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The significance of positive political theory is recognized in the text, placing special emphasis on the theories of public choice & voting. The main reasons for the study of political, particularly electoral, processes from the viewpoint of positive theory are enumerated. The author further questions certain fundamental postulates of normative theories of democracy & their lack of viability. He goes on to analyze the phenomenon of the so-called electoral or voting paradoxes & their possible influence on electoral results &, ultimately, on democratic norms themselves. The existence of voting paradoxes & their theoretical rationale is considered unequivocal & is mathematically proved. The author also reviews the most significant works on voting paradoxes & the theory of public choice. 3 Figures, 31 References. Adapted from the source document.

Summary Combined electoral systems were in expansion at the end of the 20th century and thus some authors considered them to be the electoral model for the future. Accordingly, there has been an increasing number of academic attempts to define and conceptualise these complex electoral systems. So far, two major interpretative streams emerged: structural (or mechanical) which is linked with Canadian scholars of election studies A. Blais and L. Massicotte, and the outcome-approach, largely developed by American scholars M.S. Shugart and P.M. Wattenberg. However, there is still much to add to these two interpretations. The author argues that a combined electoral system is specific for its combining of two elements: 1) the elections are based on two different levels of voting and of distribution of seats (name-based and list-based) and 2) they develop a specific model of voting -- with two votes per each voter (one for an individual candidate and the other for a list). When combined, these two elements create institutional setting for electoral competition, and thus the candidates and the parties are requested to develop more complex electoral strategies than in other types of electoral systems. Adapted from the source document.

By applying the analytical model derived by Deegan-Krause, the paper analyzes social cleavages underpinning the party preferences in the elections for the Croatian Parliament in 2003. The results of the research carried out on a sample of 2,000 adult Croatian citizens by phone interviews two days before the elections indicate that this model has identified relatively shallow social cleavages underlying the voting behavior in the analyzed elections. Namely, out of thirteen analyzed attitudes only three significantly explain a part of the variance in party preferences, the most significant being the attitude concerning the cooperation with the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia in the Hague & the attitude concerning abortion. The results also show there is a significant link among certain socio-demographic characteristics, the attitudes about the political issues in question & the party preferences. This means that there might be a social cleavage at work here. Tables, Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.

By applying the analytical model derived by Deegan-Krause, the paper analyzes social cleavages underpinning the party preferences in the elections for the Croatian Parliament in 2003. The results of the research carried out on a sample of 2,000 adult Croatian citizens by phone interviews two days before the elections indicate that this model has identified relatively shallow social cleavages underlying the voting behavior in the analyzed elections. Namely, out of thirteen analyzed attitudes only three significantly explain a part of the variance in party preferences, the most significant being the attitude concerning the cooperation with the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia in the Hague & the attitude concerning abortion. The results also show there is a significant link among certain socio-demographic characteristics, the attitudes about the political issues in question & the party preferences. This means that there might be a social cleavage at work here. Tables, Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.

Rad se bavi ponašanjem zastupnika i zastupnica u Europskom parlamentu s posebnim naglaskom na osmi saziv. Nekoliko čimbenika pokazalo se ključnim pri razumijevanju zastupničkog ponašanja. Jedan od čimbenika je država iz koje zastupnici dolaze koji je najizraženiji prilikom ekonomskim pitanjima. Nadalje, osobna ideološka uvjerenja također su bitan čimbenik. Najviše analize u radu posvetilo se čimbenicima utjecaja nacionalne političke stranke te utjecaju europskih grupacija. Promatrajući lojalnosti prema grupaciji i političkoj stranci pokazalo se kako europska politička grupacija ima najveći utjecaj na ponašanje zastupnika. Stope lojalnosti zastupnika u osmom sazivu izrazito su visoke, a trendovi su identični i ukoliko se posebno promatraju zastupnici i zastupnice iz Hrvatske. Političke grupacije svoj utjecaj vrše kroz alokaciju zastupnika po odborima, osiguravanju vidljivosti zastupnika te podržavanju zastupničkih inicijativa. ; This paper deals with MEP behavior with emphasis on the 8th term. There are several factors that are crucial in understanding their behavior. One of them is member states from which MEPs come and it is most pronounced when it comes to economic issues. Furthermore, personal ideological beliefs are also important factors. In this paper, the most of analysis was focused on the factors of influence of national political parties and also European parties. If we look at loyalty towards the European party and national political party, it is shown that the European party in the European Parliament has the strongest influence on MEP behavior. The loyalty rates of MEP in the 8th term are extremely high, and the trends are identical for MEPs from Croatia. European parties exert influence through the allocation of MEPs to committees, ensuring their visibility and showing support for their parliamentary initiatives.

Having in mind the long evolution of constitutions & constitutional politics & the universal appeal of the process of the interplay between virtue & demagogy that occurs during presidential elections, the author touches on several topics. The first are the standard "dogmatic" comparative provisions regarding the election of the head of state which the author looks into through the constitutional-legal prism of the so called selection effect. As the institution of the president of the republic exists in many constitutions & is thus among the most significant institutionalized aspects of political & social life of every country, the author focuses on the extent in which that institution in the electoral context contributes to the affirmation of republicanism, democracy & public sphere. The author concludes that the election of presidents & the effects of electoral selection, among other things, affect the process of political integration that ought -- to not only in Croatia but everywhere & due to a plethora of reasons -- promote the universally accepted ontological principles of contemporary constitutional-democratic state. Appendixes, References. Adapted from the source document.

The authors analyze the constitutional position of the Polish parliament after the democratic revolution of 1989, as well as its internal political dynamics. The parliament has two houses, endowed with different constitutional competences: Sejm (lower House) & Senate (upper House). The 460 members of the Sejm were elected in three electoral cycles (1989, 1991, & 1993) by means of majority & a proportional electoral system with various prohibitive clauses, while the 100 senators were elected by the majority electoral system. The changes in the electoral rules resulted in the altered parliamentary party system. While in the "contractual" Sejim, the seats (in accordance with a political agreement) were divided between the ruling communist bloc & the oppositional "Solidarity," the first freely elected Sejm had an extremely fragmented party structure, with 28 parties, while the second Sejm is moderately pluralist, with two parties of the government coalition & four opposition parties. The most remarkable feature of Polish political culture is an increasing professionalization of the parliament members as well as a growing political apathy of the general public & a meager turnout at the polls. 4 Tables, 19 References. Adapted from the source document.

Research on the postmodern orientations of voters in Croatia started in the 1990 elections & was continued in the 1992 elections. The indicators of postmodern value orientations had to be changed. War had distanced the Croatian electorate considerably from the desired rational orientation -- within which modern & postmodern differ. Postmodernism had a small erosion, from 4% to 3.2%, while desired rational orientation fell from 60% to only 6.8%. Postmodern-oriented voters were most evident in the youngest age group, those studying, & professionals. Changes were noted in the agricultural group, who climbed from last place to third. The results of the research follow postmodern orientations toward the concepts of sustainable development & sustainable energy policies. They indicate a significantly better situation when the subject is the presence of postmodern value orientations in the electorate of Croatia. It appears to be divided almost equally; 50% support the classic concept of development, while 50% support sustainable development. This could cause political polarization of the voting body when reconstruction & development are on the agenda. With respect to the energy policy as one of the most important components of development policy, the results of the research indicate that almost the entire voting body (97%) would support only a sustainable energy policy. 1 Table. Adapted from the source document.

The paper analyses the increasingly acute problem of low voter turnout for the elections for the European Parliament. The author identifies the key determinants of electoral participation, & focuses on how election campaigns affect the electorates' mobilization. By analyzing the results of various polls & by applying Sinnott's model of voter participation to the Slovenian institutional context, the author outlines the key circumstances leading to the disturbingly low voter turnout. The author points out the weaknesses of the institutional preconditions -- in the form of certain awkward electoral institutions, primarily regarding the institutional mobilization marked by half-baked electoral strategies of political parties & the unremarkable & dull campaigns -- that are supposed to increase voter participation. The low level of institutional mobilization has evidently affected the electorate's perceptions of power & trust in political institutions. This is why the institutional incentives for taking a vote have not been sufficient. By way of conclusion the author offers some recommendations concerning how to alter & improve the electoral institutions & the practice of the ED political parties, states & institutions. Tables, Appendixes, References. Adapted from the source document.

The collapse of the traditional social ties, the advance of the mass media & the advent of political marketing have altered the structure & the direction of electoral campaigns. Present-day media-mediated electoral campaigns are hotly debated. On one side are those who claim that campaigns simplify political reality, manipulate voters, encourage voting apathy & in the long run contribute to democratic deficit. On the other side are those who claim that campaigns had to adapt to the new communication environment, that only the attractive, media-honed campaigns can attract voters' attention & that the majority of campaigns on the whole are a positive influence on electoral participation & voters' familiarity with political processes. This paper is an attempt to present the arguments of both sides & to answer how & to what extent electoral campaigns affect the democratic process. References. Adapted from the source document.