Vybory i democrafiya: konflikt statistik
In: Svobodnaja mysl': meždunarodnyj obščestvennyj žurnal, Band 60, Heft 4, S. 55-64
ISSN: 0869-4435
In: Svobodnaja mysl': meždunarodnyj obščestvennyj žurnal, Band 60, Heft 4, S. 55-64
ISSN: 0869-4435
In: Svobodnaja mysl' - XXI: teoretičeskij i političeskij žurnal, Band 57, Heft 6, S. 121-136
ISSN: 0869-4435
In: Svobodnaja mysl' - XXI: teoretičeskij i političeskij žurnal, Band 56, Heft 1, S. 13-19
ISSN: 0869-4435
In: PolitBook, Heft 1, S. 53-60
Author reveals the features of the political culture of the electorate in Russia and Germany. Through the comparative survey he finds gender differences in political consciousness and the voting behavior. Author analyzes the reasons for the limited participation of women in Russian political life and provides some recommendations
for improving the democratization process of the political sphere.
In: Voprosy ėkonomiki: ordena trudovogo krasnogo znameni ežemesjačnyj žurnal ; Vserossijskoe ėkonomičeskoe izdanie = Issues of economics, Heft 2, S. 58-75
ISSN: 0042-8736
In: Moscow University Bulletin. Series 12. Political Science, Heft 2023, №1, S. 98-118
For the most part, electoral and party research today is centered on the behavior of voters in two or four major clusters that can be conventionally placed on a scale from left to right. On the same scale, there are smaller groups whose value of separation is often questioned. This paper focuses on one of these groups: we consider a segment of voters united on the basis of their support for right-wing liberal parties and try to identify the most significant determinants of their choice. Based on the existing concepts of voting and data from the European Social Survey, 2016–2018, we generalize possible predictors – party and political selfidentification, ideological stances, social setting and material status – up to three theories ('ideological core', 'defectors' and 'winners'), and test their plausibility using regression tools. Modeling results show that for a number of parameters the separation of new subgroup is justified. First, we reject the hypothesis of a strategic non-voting for right-liberals (on the contrary, respondents often "strategically" vote for them rather than for some personally closer party). Second, we find similar characteristics of the voter profile in different European countries; in particular, people who share the values of non-interference (associated with opposition to income redistribution and cultural restrictions) are more inclined to electorally back the liberal right. On the other hand, for a complete picture it is not enough to indicate ideological or cleavage preferences: the fact of voting is strongly influenced by person's socio-economic background, confirming the earlier remarks about certain "privileges" in this electoral segment.
The article covers the history of local researchers' using the sociocultural method to study the Russian voters' behavior phenomenon. It also shows the attempts to view the motivational base of the electoral choice through the prism of the existing political culture stereotypes during the Duma elections in the early 20th century. The retrospective analysis of the studies using this method allows the author to conclude that in the past as well as in the present scientists emphasize mainly the grassroots voters' paternalistic attitude, which largely determines their voting peculiarity ; Рассматривается предыстория использования отечественными исследователями социокультурного метода при изучении феномена поведения российских избирателей. Показаны попытки рассмотрения мотивационной базы электорального выбора через призму стереотипов сложившейся политической культуры в период думских выборов начала ХХ века. Ретроспективный анализ исследований с применением данного метода позволяет автору сделать вывод о том, что как в прошлом, так и в настоящем основной акцент ученые делают на патерналистских настроениях массового избирателя, во многом определяющих специфику его голосования
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In: Vestnik Volgogradskogo Gosudarstvennogo Universiteta: naučno-teoretičeskij žurnal = Science journal of Volgograd State University. Serija 4, Istorija, regionovedenie, meždunarodnye otnošenija = History. Area studies. International relations, Heft 6, S. 118-126
ISSN: 2312-8704
The article presents the analysis of regional features of populist rhetoric realization as the basis of electorate mobilization. The motivational characteristics of electoral preferences are established, the strategy of populist policy in the Russian Federation is determined. The populist rhetoric defines policy as moral and ethical fight between the people and oligarchy. In electoral political space of modern Russia populism is considered in a negative connotation, it has manipulative impact on public consciousness of Russians, it forms political expectations and electoral preferences. In the analysis of regional electoral process it is necessary to consider a phenomenon of patronclient relations being a factor of electoral preferences which ensures the platform for forming the relations of domination, supremacy and subordination. In Russian electoral political space there are patriarchal, traditional, client-oriented, protest and marginal types of electoral behavior. The patriarchal (Republics of the North Caucasus, Siberia) and traditional (Saint Petersburg, Belgorod region) types create the conditions for populism use as it is easier for populists to win electorate of the senior generation which are committed to traditional values and customs. The political behavior of electorate is characterized by orientation to populist slogans of political leaders which are addressed to the axiological and emotional sphere. Expectations of the median Russian voter stipulate the tendency towards the perception of populism. The populist policy testifies to weakness of democratic institutes and deconsolidation of the public in an assessment of heuristic potential of populism. Populism in modern Russia is not articulated yet, and it does not represent complete ideology or the developed type of subjectivity. This phenomenon is often identified with the national will.
In: Vestnik Volgogradskogo Gosudarstvennogo Universiteta: naučno-teoretičeskij žurnal = Science journal of Volgograd State University. Serija 4, Istorija, regionovedenie, meždunarodnye otnošenija = History. Area studies. International relations, Heft 6, S. 55-62
ISSN: 2312-8704
In Hungary, during 2010-2015 the growing xenophobic attitudes are noticed in the society, and right radical extremist groups gain power. The aim of the article is to identify the most significant factors that encourage xenophobia in Hungary. The types of right organizations and their electoral performance are determined. Our hypothesis is that the activity of right extremist organizations influences the formation of xenophobic social practices in Hungary. By means of factor analysis the author identified the main directions and forms of activity of right radicals, determined the value of socio-economic dynamics of Hungary, characterized the attitudes of society, the law and the ruling elite to the problems of xenophobia and right radicalism. Among the most influential factors we should name: open propaganda of nationalist ideas; constitutional priority to the interests of ethnic Hungarians; parliamentary membership of the Movement "For a Better Hungary"; condoning by the ruling elite, the courts and the police of the right radical activity. The paper presents the trend in the contemporary Hungary: the public demonstrates intolerance to right radicalism in cases of criminal behavior, but for the most part is loyal to its ideologies. Except for oppositional human rights organizations and ethnic communities, a significant part of Hungarian society often shows nearly complete indifference to the issues of xenophobia, racial and ethnic discrimination. The author described five groups of factors that stimulate the reproduction of xenophobic attitudes and practices among various groups of the population: "historical", institutional, socioeconomic, legal and political. The paper uses empirical data of public opinion polls conducted by leading research centers in Hungary, as well as statistical data of public authorities, civil society institutions.
Russian and foreign scientists have repeatedly noted a decline in public confidence in the government and most political institutions. This article studies the phenomenon of political trust and readiness for political behavior in terms of value orientations among Russian youth. The study carried out diagnostics of the young generation of Russians living in different regions of the Russian Federation, aged 18 to 34 years (n=291). The following were used as methodological tools: scales of political trust (O. A. Gulevich, I. R. Sarieva, 2020); the scale of readiness to participate in political activity (S. Pattyn et al., 2012; J. Van Assche et al., 2018, 2019) and the PVQ-R method for measuring individual values (Schwartz et al., 2012). It was noted that the representatives of Russian youth have a tendency towards social cynicism rather than political trust. It was found that the values of public safety and universalism increase the desire to take part in street actions, in the work of political parties, and encourage participation in signing collective petitions and voting in elections. The values of reputation and benevolence have the strongest influence on trust in authority. ; Ведущими российскими и зарубежными учеными неоднократно было отмечено снижение общественного доверия к правительству, большинству политических учреждений. Цель – изучить феномен политического доверия и готовности к политическому поведению в аспекте ценностных ориентаций у российской молодежи. Была проведена диагностика молодого поколения россиян, проживающих в разных регионах Российской Федерации, в возрасте от 18 до 34 лет (n=291). В качестве методического инструментария были использованы шкалы политического доверия (О. А. Гулевич, И. Р. Сариева) и готовности участвовать в политической активности (S. Pattyn et al., J. Van Assche et al.), методика измерения индивидуальных ценностей PVQ-R (Ш. Шварц и др.). Установлено: у представителей российской молодежи наблюдается склонность к социальному цинизму, нежели к политическому доверию; ценности общественной безопасности и универсализма повышают стремление к участию в уличных акциях, в работе политических партий и побуждают участвовать в подписании коллективных обращений и голосовании на выборах. Наиболее сильное влияние на доверие к власти оказывают ценности репутации и благожелательности.
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In the report there is analyzed the impact of the main scenario of competition for candidates for the presidency of Russia in the March 2018 elections for the electoral behavior of Russian students. We made an empirical study (2518 respondents, questionnaires; series of focus groups) in order to identify the level of electoral activity and models of electoral absenteeism of Russian students, motivation to participate in voting and refusal to vote, the system of factors determining the strategy of behavior in elections, etc. In the course of the study, the role of social networks in the electoral moods formation of Russian students was revealed, an assessment of the state of the two components of the student's political identity (ideological and personified identity) was analyzed, and the influence of the socio-demographic and status characteristics of Russian students on their electoral behavior was analyzed. It was discovered the accumulation of systemic and situational factors that determine the strategy of students' electoral behavior in the situation of obvious outcome of voting.
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In: Vestnik Volgogradskogo Gosudarstvennogo Universiteta: naučno-teoretičeskij žurnal = Science journal of Volgograd State University. Serija 4, Istorija, regionovedenie, meždunarodnye otnošenija = History. Area studies. International relations, Band 24, Heft 5, S. 172-192
ISSN: 2312-8704
Introduction. In modern Russian society, understanding of elections as an important component of the country's social and political life in the context of differences in political orientations of the population is increasingly affirmed. This statement makes it possible to consider the geography of elections both in individual regions and in the country as a whole, as well as to conduct a deep historical analysis to better understand the current political processes in the country.
Methods. It seems most important to consider this problem in the context of the federal elections for the post of President of the Russian Federation using the statistical method. The comparative and cartographic methods contribute to a better understanding of geographical features of political preferences of the electorate.
Analysis. The study shows that the development of any process, including political one, is seriously influenced by the regional specificity of the territory, affecting all of its spheres. In this regard, it is necessary to single out the reasons for the nature of changes in electoral preferences of voters in the territory under study.
Results. The authors trace the dynamics of the electoral activity of the population of the Lower Volga mesoregion in the presidential elections. The researchers reveal the change of electoral preferences of voters for the period under review. The paper presents the territorial analysis of the political preferences of the population identified in the process of federal elections; marks their multidirectional nature. The authors identify the main reasons for the changes in electoral preferences of voters in the Lower Volga mesoregion at the presidential elections.
In: Sociological Studies - Socis, Heft 9, S. 49-52
A survey conducted by "Centre for Socio-economic and Humanities Research" at the Kama Polytechnic Institute in the city of Naberezhnye Chelny in October 1999 represents a specific material for the analysis of age differences in the political culture within a particular area - a major industrial city of the Republic of Tatarstan.
In: LOCUS people society cultures meaning, Band 11, Heft 3, S. 100-119
The purpose of the article is to describe electoral models in the national republics of the Siberian Federal District of the Russian Federation. The elections of the federal, regional and local levels in the republics of Tyva, Altai, Khakassia (2007–2019) are analyzed. The study is based on statistical and comparative analysis methods for three groups of indicators: 1) statistics on voter turnout and the level of support for the «United Russia» party; 2) socio-economic indicators of regional development; 3) ethnic localization of the population and the level of urbanization. The sources of research are official statistics, electoral statistics of republican election commissions. The results of the analysis allow us to identify the characteristics and differences in the electoral models of the republics based on the analyzed indicators. The Republic of Tyva represents the most conservative clientist political model with signs of institutionalization. The pattern of traditionalist electoral behavior of ethnically localized and low-urbanized communities with a high density of social ties and personal contacts, administratively controlled due to financial dependence on the Central budget and subsidies, is constantly reproduced. The Altai Republic is a less conservative model associated with the demonstrated electoral absenteeism of the majority ofthe voters. The active part of the electorate has a tendency to transform electoral patterns over the course of two cycles. The electoral patterns of the Republic of Khakassia demonstrate a non-conformist electoral pattern of the active electorate, which is due to the lower dependence of the population on budget transfers and social payments, and a higher level of income than in other republics under consideration. It should be noted that the level of support for the ruling party has gradually decreased, even with the most administrated and clientist voting patterns, and that absentee electoral behavior patterns have been transformed into a more active political position expressed through protest voting.
The article examines political participation as one of the basic concepts of research in political science. Reflecting on modern manifestations of political participation, it can be defined as conventional - propaganda, voting, community activities, interaction with the government officials, discussions and debates, etc., as well as widespread and widely applicable non-conventional forms of civil disobedience, protests, demonstrations and other voluntary activities. ; Քաղաքական մասնակցությունը հոդվածում դիտարկվում է որպես քաղաքագիտական հիմնական հասկացություններից մեկը: Անդրադառնալով դրա ժամանակակից դրսևորումներին՝ քաղաքական մասնակցությունը կարող է ներառել քարոզչությունը, համայնքային աշխատանքը, պետական պաշտոնյաների հետ փոխգործակցությունը, քննարկումները, բանավեճերը և այլն, ինչպես նաև քաղաքացիական անհնազանդության տարածված և ոչ ավանդական ձևերը, բողոքները, ցույցերը և քաղաքացիների այլ կամավոր գործողությունները: ; Политическое участие рассматривается в статье как одна из основных политологических концепций. Размышляя о его современных проявлениях, к политическому участию можно отнести пропагандистскую, общинную работу, взаимодействие с государственными чиновниками, дискуссии, дебаты и т. д., а также широко распространённые и нетрадиционные формы гражданского неповиновения, протестов, демонстраций и другие добровольные мероприятия граждан.
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