Suchergebnisse

¿Cuáles son los efectos de la guerra sobre el comportamiento político? Colombia es un caso interesante en el que el conflicto y las elecciones coexisten y los grupos armados ilegales intencionalmente afectan los resultados electorales. Sin embargo, los grupos usan diferentes estrategias para alterar estos resultados. Este artículo argumenta que los efectos diferenciales de la violencia sobre los resultados electorales son el resultado de estrategias deliberadas de los grupos ilegales, que a su turno, son consecuencia de las condiciones militares que difieren entre ellos. Usando datos panel de las elecciones al Senado de 1994 a 2006 y una aproximación por variables instrumentales para resolver posibles problemas de endogenidad, este artículo muestra que la violencia guerrillera disminuye la participación electoral, mientras que la violencia paramilitar no tiene ningún efecto sobre la participación pero reduce la competencia electoral y beneficia a nuevos partidos no-tradicionales. Esto es consistente con la hipótesis de que la estrategia de la guerrilla es sabotear las elecciones, mientras que los paramiltares establecen alianzas con ciertos candidatos. ; What are the effects of war on political behavior? Colombia is an interesting case in which conflict and elections coexist, and illegal armed groups intentionally affect electoral outcomes. Nonetheless, groups use different strategies to alter these results. This paper argues that differential effects of violence on electoral outcomes are the result of deliberate strategies followed by illegal groups, which in turn, are a consequence of military conditions that differ between them. Using panel data from Senate elections from 1994 to 2006 and an instrumental variable approach to address potential endogeneity concerns, this paper shows that guerrilla violence decreases turnout, while paramilitary violence has no effect on participation, but reduces electoral competition and benefits non-traditional third parties. FARC violence is significantly higher during election years, while paramilitary violence is lower. This is consistent with the hypothesis that the guerrilla's strategy is to sabotage elections, while paramilitaries establish alliances with certain candidates.

This paper describes the development process of voting behavior in Chile; particularly the relationship between the class voting theory and the theory of cultural post-materialist vote is investigated. This research deals with Chile as a case study, a developing country with a relatively stable democracy since 1990 and although it has been mentioned in various investigations, has not been given the depth and perspective necessary to understand the political scene in which their electoral processes are developed. We seek to test the relationship between socioeconomic status of voters, their post-materialist values and the results of the elections in which they participate ; En este trabajo se investiga el proceso y el desarrollo del comportamiento de voto en Chile, particularmente la relación entre la teoría del voto por clase y la teoría del voto cultural postmaterialista. Esta investigación ocupa a Chile como caso de estudio, un país en vías de desarrollo y con una democracia relativamente estable desde 1990 y que si bien ha sido mencionado en diversas investigaciones, no se le ha dado la profundidad y perspectiva necesaria para entender el escenario político en el que se desarrollan sus procesos electorales. Buscamos probar la relación entre el nivel socioeconómico de los votantes, sus valores postmaterialistas y los resultados de las elecciones en las que estos participan.

After several decades with scarce information about the relationship between corruption and electoral participation, recently some literature has emerged on this subject. There are several hypotheses that try to explain this phenomenon; one of them considers corruption as a mobilizing agent and another one as a paralyzing agent in electoral activities. In this paper, we study the role played by corruption over electoral participation in the municipality of Culiacán, with information obtained through a survey on political culture and electoral behavior. The statistical results suggest that the probability of voting is negatively related to higher levels of perceived corruption. ; Después de varias décadas de escasa información sobre la relación entre corrupción y participación electoral, hay una creciente atención a este tema. Diversas hipótesis intentan de explicar este fenómeno, entre ellas que la corrupción es un agente movilizador y, la contraria, que lleva a la abstención. Este artículo analiza el papel de la corrupción en la participación electoral en el municipio de Culiacán, con información recogida mediante una encuesta sobre cultura política y comportamiento electoral. Los resultados sugieren que la probabilidad de votar tiene una relación negativa con el grado de percepción de la corrupción. ; Após várias décadas de escassa informação sobre a relação entre corrupção e participação eleitoral, há uma crescente atenção a essa questão. Várias hipóteses tentam explicar esse fenômeno, incluindo que a corrupção é um agente mobilizador e o oposto, que leva à abstenção. Este artigo analisa o papel da corrupção na participação eleitoral no município de Culiacán (México), com informações coletadas por meio de uma pesquisa sobre cultura política e comportamento eleitoral. Os resultados sugerem que a probabilidade de votar tem uma relação negativa com o grau de percepção da corrupção.

La participación electoral tiene un lugar especial en el debate de la sociología política en general y en la sociología electoral en particular. El análisis electivo del comportamiento es una de las tareas más importantes de la sociología electoral que los investigadores podrán seleccionar diferentes modelos electorales para analizar las opciones de comportamiento. El propósito de la presente investigación es encontrar cuáles son los factores más importantes en la conducción de una conducta de voto en las elecciones basadas en la teoría estructural-funcional de Gabriel Almond". Los resultados muestran factores situacionales y estructurales que pueden considerarse en el proceso de votación. ; Electoral participation has a special place in the debate of political sociology in general, and in electoral sociology in particular. The elective analysis of behavior is one of the most important tasks of electoral sociology that researchers can select different electoral models to analyze behavioral options. The purpose of this research is to find out the most important factors in the conduction of voting behavior in elections based on the structural-functional theory of Gabriel Almond. The results show situational and structural factors that can be considered in the process of voting.

This article analyzes the factors explaining voting behavior in the Spanish referendum on the ED Constitution. The three main hypotheses that appear in the comparative literature about referenda are tested: voting considering the contents of the Treaty, second-order voting & the use of heuristic short-cuts, like party cues. Results show that all three factors played a role. However, in a context of limited information about the contents, the power of party cues was especially crucial. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.

This article aims to pose the functioning of electoral democracy in Colombia, based on John Schumpeter's Competitive Theory. From the national historic events, it is intended to understand what the impact is and what the election process means in this society. Since the intention is to understand how democracy has developed in Colombia, it is necessary to define at first the key concepts to understand what democracy is, specifically the electoral and competitive one. Then, to analyze the electoral behavior in Colombia, through quantitative and qualitative data on the latest elections, regarding issues, such as legitimacy, value, and absenteeism. These variables will allow us to identify the main weaknesses for democracy in the country. With the intention of applying the theoretical scope, a brief analysis about the political behavior in Bogotá will be made, as being the capital city of the country and as the center of the national political movement, this will allow to achieve a valuable understanding on the democracy in Colombia. ; El presente artículo pretende exponer el funcionamiento de la democracia electoral en Colombia, desde la teoría competitiva de John Schumpeter. A partir del acontecer histórico nacional se pretende comprender cuál es el impacto y qué significa el proceso de elecciones en esta sociedad. Como la intención es comprender cómo se ha desarrollado la democracia en Colombia, es necesario definir en un primer momento los conceptos claves para entender qué es democracia, específicamente la electoral y competitiva. A continuación, analizar el comportamiento electoral en Colombia, a través de datos cuantitativos y cualitativos sobre las últimas elecciones, respecto a temas como legitimidad, valor y abstencionismo; variables que permitirán identificar cuáles son las principales debilidades para la democracia en el país. Con la intención de aplicar el alcance teórico, se hará un breve análisis acerca del comportamiento político en Bogotá, como capital del país y como centro del movimiento político nacional, esto permitirá alcanzar una comprensión valiosa sobre la democracia en Colombia.

Con el interés de analizar la intención de voto de los ciudadanos de Córdoba, Argentina, la presente investigación tuvo como objetivo principal la comparación de las variables: ideología política, autoritarismo, clima socio emocional, confianza institucional, intensidad afectiva, eficacia política, interés y conocimiento político en grupos de ciudadanos definidos según su intención de voto a los candidatos presidenciales, en las elecciones realizadas en Octubre del 2011. El estudio se realizó con una muestra cuotificada de 350 ciudadanos entre 18 y 65 años de edad. Los resultados mostraron diferencias significativas en relación con las distintas variables estudiadas, en los grupos identificados de acuerdo a su opción electoral. ; With the interest of analyze the voting intentions of citizens of Cordoba, Argentina, the present study aimed to compare the main variables: political ideology, authoritarianism, social-emotional climate, institutional trust, affective intensity, political efficacy, political interest and political knowledge of citizens groups defined according to their intention to vote for presidential candidates in the elections held in October 2011. This study was conducted with a sample of 350 people between 18 and 65 years old. The results showed significant differences in relation to the different variables studied in the groups identified according to their electoral choice. ; O presente trabalho tem por objetivo analisar a intenção de voto dos cidadãos de Córdoba, Argentina, focalizando na comparação das variáveis: ideologia política, autoritarismo, clima socioemocional, confiança institucional, intensidade afetiva, eficácia política, interesse e conhecimento político em grupos de cidadãos definidos segundo a sua intenção de voto aos candidatos presidenciais, nas eleições do Outubro de 2011. A pesquisa foi feita com uma amostra quantificada de 350 pessoas de 18 a 65 anos de idade. Os resultados mostraram diferenças significativas na relação com as distintas variáveis estudadas, nos grupos identificados de acordo com a sua opção eleitoral. ; Avec l'intérêt de l'analyse des intentions de vote des citoyens de Cordoba, en Argentine, la présente étude visait à comparer les principales variables : l'idéologie politique, l'autoritarisme, le climat socio-affectif, la confiance institutionnelle, l'intensité affective, l'efficacité politique, l'intérêt politique et la connaissance politique de des groupes de citoyens définis en fonction de leur intention de voter pour les candidats à l'élection présidentielle tenue en Octobre 2011. Cette étude a été menée auprès d'un échantillon de 350 personnes entre 18 et 65 ans. Les résultats ont montré des différences significatives par rapport aux différentes variables étudiées dans les groupes identifiés en fonction de leur choix électoral. ; Fil: Brussino, Silvina Alejandra. Universidad Nacional de Córdoba. Facultad de Psicología. Laboratorio de Psicología Cognitiva; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Córdoba; Argentina ; Fil: Alonso, Daniela Rocío. Universidad Nacional de Córdoba. Facultad de Psicología. Laboratorio de Psicología Cognitiva; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Córdoba; Argentina ; Fil: Dreizik, Matias Alfredo. Universidad Nacional de Córdoba. Facultad de Psicología. Laboratorio de Psicología Cognitiva; Argentina

A review essay on a book by Eva Anduiza Perea, Individuos o Sistemas. Las Razones de la Abstencion en Europa Occidental ([Individuals or Systems. Reasons for Abstention in Western Europe] Madrid: Centro de Investigationes Sociologicas, 1999).

This paper addresses one of the issues that is presently being debated in Mexican politics. It intends to demonstrate its complexity through the analysis of existing data & reflects on some of the characteristics which are more relevant to it eg, the internal effort it demands, the international implications it could face, etc. Adapted from the source document.

Taking as our starting-point the empirical literature on the electoral consequences of political scandals, our argument in this paper has two objectives. On the one hand, we provide an overview of the evidence on the magnitude of the effect of scandals on voting. We find that scandals do have a not negligible impact on the vote, but that impact does not give usually way to a very strong decline in the electoral support of the candidate affected by the scandal & in many occasions does not mean his or her electoral defeat. On the other hand, & most importantly, we identify the factors that condition the impact of a scandal on the voting behavior of citizens. References. Adapted from the source document.

Este artículo analiza las relaciones entre identifi cación partidista y comportamiento electoral de los andaluces en el contexto de las consultas autonómicas de 2004 y de 2008. Los resultados del análisis muestran que la principal variable explicativa del voto de los andaluces en estas dos convocatorias reside en la vinculación psicológica que una parte considerable del electorado ha establecido con los principales partidos, fundamentalmente con el PSOE. En este sentido, las lealtades partidistas en Andalucía no solamente actúan como una mera predisposición a votar a un determinado grupo político sino también como un fi ltro a través del cual los ciudadanos procesan la información política, interpretándola en clave partidista. Como tal, estas tienden a disminuir las diferencias ideológicas y políticas con el grupo propio y a acrecentar las distancias con los otros partidos. ; This article analyses party loyalties in the Andalusian regional elections of 2004 and 2008. Our results show that party identifi cation is the main factor explaining the vote in Andalusia, particularly in the case of the socialist vote. In this regard, party loyalties among the Andalusian electorate not only induce voters to vote for a particular party, but also act as a perceptual screen. Consequently, party loyalties reduce political differences with the reference group and increase ideological differences with other political groups.

In decentralized countries, national parties have both regional and national interests. We should therefore expect variation in national parties' policy positions on centre-periphery issues at the regional level. In order to test this hypothesis empirically, we content-analyze the regional-level manifestos of the two main national parties in Spain. We use a novel methodology that estimates national parties' policy positions along the centre-periphery dimension of competition. This methodology is an adaptation of the Comparative Manifestos Project national codification scheme to the regional electoral level. We show that the policy positions of national parties in Spain diverge between regions and that one of the main factors that accounts for this divergence is whether national parties have to compete for votes with regional parties. Adapted from the source document.

This article offers an explanation of the abstention recorded in the Spanish Constitutional Referendum of 1978, based, for the first time, on analysis of polling data. Firstly, we ask whether abstention was more likely amongst citizens to the left of the ideological spectrum. Secondly, we find out whether there was any relationship between abstention & political motivations. We test for three political motivations in the article: rejection of the lack of transparency with which the procedures to establish the constitution were carried out, disagreement with part of the content of the constitution, & the use of the constitutional referendum as a second-order election in which to punish Adolfo Suarez's government through abstention. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.