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There are interesting developments of political psychology, particularly in the effort of women in politic arena. Until the mid-year 2007, at least 82 women were recorded following the elections in 232 provincial-level regions and districts level. Out of the above, 26 women (30.76%) registered as a candidate for the leader of region and 57 women (69.24%), registered as a deputy leader of the region, although only eight women who are successfully elected as the leader of region and 11 elected as deputy leaders of regional (Arifin, 2008). With direct elections as happened today, making the candidates should follow the "interest" of voters. Efforts to understand the voter?s behavior, feelings and thinking do not always easy. The old ways by making a donation of material deemed not affect voters more powerful. One possible solution is the assessment needs of the voter. Fullfillness of voter?s needs is not always easy because there are differences of character between communities, genders and individuals that influence their voting behavior. Voting behavior was defined as a voter in the decision to vote for certain candidates in both the legislative and executive elections. In political science, there are two kinds of approaches in analyzing the voting behavior. 1). sociological approach. Person?s background, gender, social class, race, religion, and ideology determine the decision to voting according the approach. 2). psychological approach. In this approach, value, personal qualities of the candidates, issues which developed by candidate and loyalty to the party are influence voter?s choice. Some research shows that there exist different patterns of voting behavior between men and women. Women are more conservative in determining her choosen than men (Inglehart & Norris, 2000). The study involved 90 students (45 women and 45 men). To take data used scenarios about election for leader of region (bupati). Than subyek choose Male or female as a leader, or not vote at all. Each alternative answer to the subjects ...

Abstract. The purpose of this research paper is to review the theories on voting behavior. Apart from providing a brief review of the theories, the main contribution of this research paper lies in drawing a parallel between customer decision-making models of Marketing Management domain in the discipline of Business Administration and invoking the same as a separate theoretical viewpoint here with reference to the voters' decision-making. Finally, the paper gives a model of voting behavior from a cybernetics model perspective wherein the role of social factors as well as personal factors is underlined as to how they influence the individual voter in response to the broader environmental factors like the national and international policy factors.Keywords. Voting behavior, Political parties, Cybernetics.JEL. D72, P20, C70.

This paper examines determinants of inconsistent voting behavior in the Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC). Inconsistent voting behavior is defined as a changing preference on the preferred interest rate voiced in the policy go-around relative to the interest rate preference cast in the formal voting. It is hypothesized that the change in transparency in 1993 as well as individual characteristics of FOMC members may play a significant role in inconsistent voting behavior. Using FOMC voting data extracted from verbatim transcripts from 1989 until 2008 results can be summarized as follows: The regime shift in transparency has a significant impact on the probability of casting inconsistent votes. After 1993, the probability of casting inconsistent votes decreases significantly, on average by 3.3%. FOMC members with longer tenure on the committee have a lower probability of casting inconsistent votes. Further results suggest that Board members and bank presidents differ significantly, with bank presidents casting inconsistent votes more often than Board members do. This relation holds true for gender as well, with female members casting more inconsistent votes than males. In addition, political aspects and career backgrounds also contribute to explaining inconsistent voting behavior in the FOMC. Conditional effects reveal that after the change in transparency differences between Board members and bank presidents remain, whereas differences between male and female members have diminished. Further results suggest that FOMC members with a career in the government sector have been strongly affected by the regime shift in transparency.

The focus of this brief is to identify minority religions in the U.S., analyze their voting behavior and note any correlations between religious affiliation and political parties and/or ideologies.

In this paper we study the voting behavior of the Czech Parliament members. First, we show that low-dimensionality characterizes conflict in the Czech Parliament. The first, and dominant dimension is the classical left-right dimension, whereas the second dimension, when significant, expresses attitude toward European integration. Second, we document the party development in the Czech Parliament and show evidence of convergence to a Western European type parliamentary democracy. We show that this is mainly a result of political parties' use of reward and punishment strategies to discipline their members. Highly disciplined members were awarded with better ranking in the party list for the subsequent elections. We also find that the electors are, though indirectly, interested in roll call voting behavior of their representatives.

This issue brief will focus on voting behavior within the Gay and Lesbian community. The data provided will prove that members of the LGBT community usually vote strongly Democratic and typically perceive their ideological preferences as more aligned with the Democratic Party and progressive candidates. In addition, there is a discussion what LGBT voters may use as their criteria for choosing candidates, and what that criteria may show about the evolution of Gay and Lesbian voting in the U.S.

This is a review study investigating the effects of the media on voting behavior. We reviewed the cited literature. The present study showed that the role of the media in influencing election results is generally quite small. However, this insignificance is not inherent; it cannot be attributed to out-dated class rationalisation or even to "resurgent" economic factors. Rather, it is the result of other competing factors including: the counteracting factor, which is a reference to the constant battles between rival candidates. Naturally, positive, image-conscious campaigning by candidates is mirrored by all sides; therefore, on a neutral individual no overall influence would be visible. Another factor involves the absence of clear superiority, which refers to the rare occasion in which one candidate (or party) clearly excels in its media campaign, while its opponents do not use the media in an effective manner. This superiority occurs rarely because all politicians employ PR and media consultants.

Asian Americans have been labeled as the "next sleeping giant" in American politics in key geopolitical states such as California, Texas, New York, New Jersey, Maryland, and Washington. 1 Much of this perception is fueled by the dramatic growth of Asian American communities in these and other states as a result of federal immigration reforms beginning in 1965. This section highlights the major areas of Asian American political participation and behavior that will likely determine whether Asian American politics will live up to this label. These include voter behavior and turnout in local, state, and federal elections as recently as the 2008 presidential election, their roles in multiracial and panethnic coalition-building, historical and contemporary social movements, and recent trajectories in local politics. The partisanship of Asian American voters has traditionally been limited to the Democratic Party because of the predominantly working-class backgrounds of the early immigrants in the United States and the salient issues that matter to them. Recent scholarship has found an upswing of both Republican and independent voters in Asian American immigrants who have arrived since 1965 because of their higher socioeconomic statuses, immigrant experiences, and political ideologies. 2 As a result , the Asian American vote is seen as a potential racial voting bloc and subsequently a swing vote in states with large Asian American populations in a two-party system during important statewide elections, ranging from the state legislature to the U.S. presidency.

The political institutions within which a voter exercises his or her vote will structure the choices that are available to him or her. In turn, these choices act to shape the eventual voting decision. The interaction between these system-level characteristics and the voter's own characteristics determines the voting decision. Voting is therefore not simply a personal choice, but one that is shaped by the context within which the choice is made.

The political institutions within which a voter exercises his or her vote will structure the choices that are available to him or her. In turn, these choices act to shape the eventual voting decision. The interaction between these system-level characteristics and the voter's own characteristics determines the voting decision. Voting is therefore not simply a personal choice, but one that is shaped by the context within which the choice is made.

Using a representative longitudinal survey of U.S. teenagers, we investigate how peer racial composition in high school affects individual turnout of young adults. We exploit across-cohort, within-school differences in peer racial composition. One within-school standard deviation increase in the racial diversity index leads to a 2.2 percent increase in the probability of being registered to vote seven years later and to a 2.6 percent higher probability of voting six years later. These effects are likely due to positive interracial contact when socialization has long-lasting effects: higher racial diversity in school is linked to more interracial friendships in school and later on.

This issue brief focuses on how do non-English speaking immigrants from the Caribbean (focusing primarily on Haitian immigrants) tend to vote when they migrate to the United States. Also, how has their language barrier, along with their prior history in Haiti effect their voting behaviors and political participation in America.

The role of Education is very important on voting behavior in the election process, because education is a ring connected families with the countrys political system, according to the constitution and the treaty stipulates that Afghanistan is committed to implementing them, Despite all problems the significant gains achieved is there than in the past, today, education is one of the fundamental process for strengthening democracy and social awareness among the citizens entire the society.According to Article 43 the constitution of Afghanistan, education is the right all citizens of the country and has a bachelors degree in public educational institutions are provided for free by the government constitution 2003. For this purpose the government is obliged to balanced expansion of education all over Afghanistan, providing compulsory secondary education, design and implement effective programs, This article of the constitution to the need for access to quality and equitable education for all citizens, regardless of affiliation, cultural, linguistic, ethnic, gender and physical status and their physical states, On the other hand, Article 44 of the constitution of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan, especially guarantee, education for women. Base on this principle. The government is obliged to take effective programs for balancing and promoting womens education plan and implement to womens participation in the voting process have an active share. Afghanistans education institutions have long existed in the past decade with the help of the international community and political stability has been impressive, But generally balanced growth that was expected has been not done, in terms of quantitative changed but in terms of quality is not satisfactory change in the country. Mr. Gulab Mir Rahmany "Role of Education on Voting Behavior in Afghanistan" Published in International Journal of Trend in Scientific Research and Development (ijtsrd), ISSN: 2456-6470, Volume-1 | Issue-4 , June 2017, URL: ...

Purpose: This study investigates the influence of religion on the voting behavior of the electorates of district Buner of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa in the 2013 general elections. The study empirically reveals the inclination of the people while considering religion as a determinant of voting behavior. Methodology: Data for this work has been collected through a personally administered structured questionnaire. A sample representative size of 385 respondents was selected through a multi-stage-sample-method in a survey. SPSS (Statistical package for social sciences) version 21 has been used for the determination of P-value through the Chi-Square test. Results: This investigation contended that voters consider religion as a significant determinant of voting behavior. They also support the participation of Ulama (religious scholars) in politics. Further, the study discovered that the majority of the electorates do not keep the religious affairs of the candidate in mind while making their choices. On polling day, the role of religion does not significantly affect the preferences of the people. Applications: Results of the study shows that religion and voting behavior are interrelated. While analyzing electoral politics and voting choices, it is pertinent to consider the religion of the electorates. Novelty/Originality: Electorates favor the role of religion in politics, but on polling day, majority voters do not care about religion.

This dissertation consists of two papers. The first paper ``Do Electoral Systems Affect the Incumbent Probability of Re-election? Evidence from Italian Municipalities'' empirically investigates how electoral systems affect the incumbent likelihood of re-election in Italian municipalities. It also sheds light on the mechanism through which the electoral system affects the re-election probability. The overarching goal of the paper is to connect different aspects of the issue. I provide new insight into how different electoral systems affect accountability, politician selection and then economic policies. Results show that the probability of re-election is significantly higher in majoritarian systems for mayors but not for assessors and councillors. The majoritarian system defines a clear majority within the city council and its leader, which increases accountability toward the mayors. Indeed, in the majoritarian systems, the effort of mayors, measured as the probability of having a social welfare investment, is higher. Finally, We show that the observed evidence is not driven by political selection. The second paper ``Separated Under the Same Roof: Fiscal Inefficiency of Parties' Fragmentation and Mayor's Political Power" investigates the effect of political fragmentation of local government on fiscal policies. It shows that the effect of fragmentation on fiscal policies depends mainly on two factors: the presence of a binding budget constraint and the political power of the executive leader. Results show that, in the presence of a binding budget constraint, a more fragmented majority performs less public spending and collects less revenue. Moreover, we show that the negative effect of political fragmentation disappears while the political power of the mayor increases.