In this paper we study the voting behavior of the Czech Parliament members. First, we show that low-dimensionality characterizes conflict in the Czech Parliament. The first, and dominant dimension is the classical left-right dimension, whereas the second dimension, when significant, expresses attitude toward European integration. Second, we document the party development in the Czech Parliament and show evidence of convergence to a Western European type parliamentary democracy. We show that this is mainly a result of political parties' use of reward and punishment strategies to discipline their members. Highly disciplined members were awarded with better ranking in the party list for the subsequent elections. We also find that the electors are, though indirectly, interested in roll call voting behavior of their representatives.
Understanding voter preferences in proportional representation (PR) systems is an essential first step towards understanding candidate selection and behavior. We unearth conceptual challenges of constructing a theory of sincere voting in PR elections. Using a rich but tractable framework, we propose a foundational theory of voting behavior in list PR systems. We show how voters' expectations about the election outcome shape the relative salience of different candidates on a party's ballot and ultimately determine their induced preferences over a party's list. Our framework shows how voters allocate their attention across different ranks on a party's ballot, and how this depends on each party's relative popularity.
This issue brief will focus on voting behavior within the Gay and Lesbian community. The data provided will prove that members of the LGBT community usually vote strongly Democratic and typically perceive their ideological preferences as more aligned with the Democratic Party and progressive candidates. In addition, there is a discussion what LGBT voters may use as their criteria for choosing candidates, and what that criteria may show about the evolution of Gay and Lesbian voting in the U.S.
This is a review study investigating the effects of the media on voting behavior. We reviewed the cited literature. The present study showed that the role of the media in influencing election results is generally quite small. However, this insignificance is not inherent; it cannot be attributed to out-dated class rationalisation or even to "resurgent" economic factors. Rather, it is the result of other competing factors including: the counteracting factor, which is a reference to the constant battles between rival candidates. Naturally, positive, image-conscious campaigning by candidates is mirrored by all sides; therefore, on a neutral individual no overall influence would be visible. Another factor involves the absence of clear superiority, which refers to the rare occasion in which one candidate (or party) clearly excels in its media campaign, while its opponents do not use the media in an effective manner. This superiority occurs rarely because all politicians employ PR and media consultants.
A discussion of the findings of polls taken at the time of the 1952 Presidential election to ascertain effect of class on voting behavior. It was found that 'class-consciousness' in the Marxist sense of class identification, class awareness & interest-orientation did not exist; that identification with a SC did not imply consciousness of class in voting behavior; & that party rather than class played a major part in voting behavior perceptions. (Modified IPSA).
Survey data of 4 open housing referenda (Berkeley, Detroit, Toledo, & Calif) were examined to ascertain the is of voting & to check the validity of soc sci propositions re racial integration. Parallel tabulation of the association of demographic & status variables with the position of Caucasians on the issue display striking consistency among the 4 cases & with established propositions of the is of Caucasian att's toward integration. 1 survey (Toledo) employed att'al scales which showed a strong association of position with authoritarianism, alienation, & sense of pol'al efficacy. Home ownership was not signif except in the atypical Berkeley case. Partial r of the Toledo data demonstrated that simple is are poor indicators of causation; only 3 variables-educ, pol'al alienation, & authoritarianism-had partial coefficients of .10 to .14. Overall, the data buttress major propositions: that authoritarianism & alienation have an affinity with prejudice; that tolerance has a negative association with age & a positive one with income, educ, & status; that there are occup'al diff's & that professionals are sui generis; & that higher educ is the most potent solvent of race prejudice. The data indicate that some of the established propositions are inaccurate without some qualifications, eg, We & Me are unsatisfactory categories for a taxonomy of att's on open housing. There are distinct diff's between professionals & managers, & the most antagonism to open housing is among skilled & white collar-low income workers, not 'the Wc.' The referenda also show the importance of pol'al variables; party affiliation was a potent influence in 3 of the 4 cases. All the variables influence att's & voting on residential integration only within a restricted range, & all of these variables fall far short of explaining the voting. Prejudice is the crucial independent variable. The data document that the federal open housing act of 1968 is a monumental instance of minority rule, promulgating a policy which was favored by less than 30% of white voters in the referenda. The policy does not even enjoy majority support of elite sectors. Will open housing laws be more than symbolic? AA.
The effect of exit polls on voting behavior is analyzed, using both micro & macro methods. Exit polls appear to cause small declines in total voting in areas where polls close late only if these polls predict a clear winner when the race had previously been considered close. 3 Tables, 11 References. AA
Asian Americans have been labeled as the "next sleeping giant" in American politics in key geopolitical states such as California, Texas, New York, New Jersey, Maryland, and Washington. 1 Much of this perception is fueled by the dramatic growth of Asian American communities in these and other states as a result of federal immigration reforms beginning in 1965. This section highlights the major areas of Asian American political participation and behavior that will likely determine whether Asian American politics will live up to this label. These include voter behavior and turnout in local, state, and federal elections as recently as the 2008 presidential election, their roles in multiracial and panethnic coalition-building, historical and contemporary social movements, and recent trajectories in local politics. The partisanship of Asian American voters has traditionally been limited to the Democratic Party because of the predominantly working-class backgrounds of the early immigrants in the United States and the salient issues that matter to them. Recent scholarship has found an upswing of both Republican and independent voters in Asian American immigrants who have arrived since 1965 because of their higher socioeconomic statuses, immigrant experiences, and political ideologies. 2 As a result , the Asian American vote is seen as a potential racial voting bloc and subsequently a swing vote in states with large Asian American populations in a two-party system during important statewide elections, ranging from the state legislature to the U.S. presidency.
The political institutions within which a voter exercises his or her vote will structure the choices that are available to him or her. In turn, these choices act to shape the eventual voting decision. The interaction between these system-level characteristics and the voter's own characteristics determines the voting decision. Voting is therefore not simply a personal choice, but one that is shaped by the context within which the choice is made.
The political institutions within which a voter exercises his or her vote will structure the choices that are available to him or her. In turn, these choices act to shape the eventual voting decision. The interaction between these system-level characteristics and the voter's own characteristics determines the voting decision. Voting is therefore not simply a personal choice, but one that is shaped by the context within which the choice is made.
Accepted theories of public expenditure & collective choice have implicitly assumed that such goods are available solely through public provision. In actual fact, private supply frequently affords the consumer a feasible supplement or substitute, depending on the type of good, which may alter his consumption of public goods or replace it entirely. In the latter case, it has been shown here that the introduction of private supply may exert a marked effect upon the vote. A combination of tax structure & collective-choice mechanism which yields an efficient level of public output in the absence of private supply will, in all probability, not remain optimal when private supply is permitted; indeed, an efficient combination would be most difficult to specify. The impact of private supply upon the distribution of income may in many cases be significant enough to render the notion of tax progressivity meaningless. 2 Figures. AA.
Using a representative longitudinal survey of U.S. teenagers, we investigate how peer racial composition in high school affects individual turnout of young adults. We exploit across-cohort, within-school differences in peer racial composition. One within-school standard deviation increase in the racial diversity index leads to a 2.2 percent increase in the probability of being registered to vote seven years later and to a 2.6 percent higher probability of voting six years later. These effects are likely due to positive interracial contact when socialization has long-lasting effects: higher racial diversity in school is linked to more interracial friendships in school and later on.
This issue brief focuses on how do non-English speaking immigrants from the Caribbean (focusing primarily on Haitian immigrants) tend to vote when they migrate to the United States. Also, how has their language barrier, along with their prior history in Haiti effect their voting behaviors and political participation in America.
