Suchergebnisse

This paper examines the issue of ballot voting in elections with a focus on traditional and modern voting methods. The purpose is to provide policy analysis with a survey of the development of voting methods, from their earliest form up to contemporary democratic technologies. The study offers a systematic evaluation of the voting mechanism, especially the paper ballot, machine voting, punchcard voting, optical mark-sense voting and electronic voting. On the basis of case studies, their impact on electoral process and the accuracy of election results is evaluated, as well as their impact on the quality of democracy. The accent is put on voting procedures which are user-friendly and trustworthy at the same time.

The article presents economic voting theory and its application to the study of electoral behaviour in four Central European countries. The theoretical part describes the reward-punishment model of economic voting and its predictions for electoral behaviour in countries with coalition governance and in internationally open economies during the global economic crisis. The analytical part investigates the existence and features of economic voting (as a P-function) in the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia. Hypotheses about the existence of economic voting in these countries, the higher economic accountability of more responsible coalition partners, and the lower level of economic voting under the perceived influence of the EU on the domestic economy are tested using OLS and binary logistic analysis of European Election Study data (2004 and 2009). As the results show, economic voting was only detected in Hungary (2004 and 2009) and Slovakia (2004). The analysis indicates that, in general, almost all Prime ministers' parties bear a greater degree of economic accountability; meanwhile, perceptions of EU economic responsibility had no influence on the popularity of government parties in 2009. ; The article presents economic voting theory and its application to the study of electoral behaviour in four Central European countries. The theoretical part describes the reward-punishment model of economic voting and its predictions for electoral behaviour in countries with coalition governance and in internationally open economies during the global economic crisis. The analytical part investigates the existence and features of economic voting (as a P-function) in the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia. Hypotheses about the existence of economic voting in these countries, the higher economic accountability of more responsible coalition partners, and the lower level of economic voting under the perceived influence of the EU on the domestic economy are tested using OLS and binary logistic analysis of European ...

Knižní recenze / Book review. ; Knižní recenze / Book review.

The article is concerned with voting indicators in the European Union. The first chapter constructs a model of voting power & defines four indicators: A. Simple relative power, B. Shapley-Shubik index, C. Banzhaf index, D. Coleman index. The second chapter defines data: the voting structure according the Nice Treaty & nine algorithms -- variants of the EU enlargement. The third chapter summarizes empirical results. The fourth chapter discusses statistical relations between voting indicators. The fifth chapter brings conclusions. 11 Tables, 29 References. Adapted from the source document.

Since the 1960s, voting behaviour in advanced democratic states has undergone substantial changes. From this period, the transformation of social structures, increased education, and the expansion of new technologies in the field of mass media, among other things, are evident. The transformation factors that affect the voter and his choice are sooner or later reflected in new theoretical concepts describing electoral behaviour, whether it was the theory of party identification, voter choice based on issues or rational choice. So far, however, none of the theories have adequately reflected the effect of consumer-style thinking on electoral behaviour. A new trend in political marketing – political branding – aims to correct precisely this deficiency. Due to the fact that the relevant research in the field of political branding and its impact on the voting behaviour of individuals is still in its infancy, we are faced with a lack of robust theoretical foundations. The text thus aims to clarify this situation by gathering and analysing existing branding concepts, pointing to their strengths and weaknesses. Also, it contributes to the theoretical discussion by linking research on political branding to existing theories of voting behaviour, asking whether the related branding concepts are able to explain the voting behaviour of voters as well as whether they are open to further amendments and modifications. ; Since the 1960s, voting behaviour in advanced democratic states has undergone substantial changes. From this period, the transformation of social structures, increased education, and the expansion of new technologies in the field of mass media, among other things, are evident. The transformation factors that affect the voter and his choice are sooner or later reflected in new theoretical concepts describing electoral behaviour, whether it was the theory of party identification, voter choice based on issues or rational choice. So far, however, none of the theories have adequately reflected the effect of ...

This article deals with the phenomenon of invalid voting which has appeared in regional elections in the Olomouc region in the Czech Republic. First, contemporary theories of invalid voting are introduced. Second, the given hypotheses, which include both institutional and socio-economic factors that, according to the theories, contribute to higher levels of invalid voting, are tested. Statistical analysis such as linear regression is employed in the research. The dataset is comprised of municipalities (cases) in which regional elections were held. The results show that higher levels of invalid voting are associated with concurrent elections (elections to the regional assembly and elections to the upper house (the Senate) of the Czech Parliament) in those municipalities in which residents are older and less well-educated. If regional elections are held without concurring elections, socio-economic variables have a smaller effect on invalid voting. Therefore, the state authorities should consider a revision of respective electoral law and simplify the electoral process involved in concurrent elections. ; This article deals with the phenomenon of invalid voting which has appeared in regional elections in the Olomouc region in the Czech Republic. First, contemporary theories of invalid voting are introduced. Second, the given hypotheses, which include both institutional and socio-economic factors that, according to the theories, contribute to higher levels of invalid voting, are tested. Statistical analysis such as linear regression is employed in the research. The dataset is comprised of municipalities (cases) in which regional elections were held. The results show that higher levels of invalid voting are associated with concurrent elections (elections to the regional assembly and elections to the upper house (the Senate) of the Czech Parliament) in those municipalities in which residents are older and less well-educated. If regional elections are held without concurring elections, socio-economic variables have a ...

The article asks whether a paradox of new members comes into being during the EU enlargement. The first chapter defines the paradox of new members & examines its frequency in political communities. The second chapter introduces practical examples of the paradox & specifies voting power indicators in the EU. The third chapter brings empirical results -- frequency of the paradox during EU enlargement. The fourth chapter tests some hypotheses & defines a disproportionality index. The fifth chapter summarizes conclusions. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.

The EU enlargement process is a vital part of European integration. Previous research into EU enlargement aimed especially at the process itself or at the approaches of member states or EU institutions towards enlargement. We focus on political parties and their positions towards future enlargement of the EU. Comparing the opinions of the CDU and CSU on EU enlargement, we try to find out whether these two parties can be, at a European level, considered as one homogeneous actor and whether the CDU and CSU's declaratory opinions are consistent with the parties' MEP voting. Analysis thus deals both with the programme documents and statements of relevant politicians and with roll call votes in the European parliament. Adapted from the source document.

This article analyses social policy in the programs of the relevant political parties. Right-wing political parties have profiled themselves as the main bearers of social reform. The pace of social reform started to drop in the second half of the nineties with a complete break down between 1997 & 1998. The political & voting programs of right-wing political parties have been the main source for this research. Adapted from the source document.

The level of political participation of American citizens is commonly considered to be high. However, voter turnout is in fact relatively low, even in highly attractive presidential elections. The article focuses on this phenomenon and the particular factors that, according to the literature, affect turnout negatively. The first part describes various methods being used to measure voter turnout in the USA. The difference can even be several percentage points, depending on the method of calculation. With regard to these distinctions, American data cannot be directly compared with voter turnout statistics in European countries that use a different methodology. The main part of the article analyses several factors that are generally considered to influence voter turnout in the USA negatively, and counts their real impact. One important factor is that voter registration methods can lower the turnout by up to 11 per cent. Also significant is the lowering of the voting-age limit in 1971. Neither gradual changes in population age structure nor enactment of election-day holidays have proven to negatively influence turnout. The principal findings reveal a permanent increase of inhabitants without voting rights (esp. non-citizens). These persons are included in voting-age population figures, and due to inexact methodology, cause a merely statistical decrease at the level of at least 3 per cent of voter turnout. Adapted from the source document.

The article focuses on an analysis of the professions of Czech deputies in the interwar period and in the period after 1989. Based on the theoretical framework of representation we assume that voting decisions are influenced not only by party electoral programs, but also by the individual characteristics of candidates. Candidate professions may indicate whether they are considered to be sufficiently qualified and whether they are considered to represent the interests of voters. The aim of the article is to analyse the differences between two historical periods and the differences among parliamentary parties. The analysis proved that the structure of professions of parliamentary representatives changed dramatically over time. The professions of representatives in the interwar period tended to resemble the professions of their core voters, and hence were rather different across political parties. In contrast, the professions of parliamentary representatives elected on the party list of different parties became rather similar after 1989. A clear tendency towards the emergence of professional politicians can be observed. A descriptive type of representation is on the decline. ; The article focuses on an analysis of the professions of Czech deputies in the interwar period and in the period after 1989. Based on the theoretical framework of representation we assume that voting decisions are influenced not only by party electoral programs, but also by the individual characteristics of candidates. Candidate professions may indicate whether they are considered to be sufficiently qualified and whether they are considered to represent the interests of voters. The aim of the article is to analyse the differences between two historical periods and the differences among parliamentary parties. The analysis proved that the structure of professions of parliamentary representatives changed dramatically over time. The professions of representatives in the interwar period tended to resemble the professions of their core voters, and ...

Comparative studies of electoral institutions have marginalized or ignored a fundamental characteristic of electoral systems called malapportionment. This paper presents a brief introduction to the issue of malapportionment from the theoretical (and comparative) perspective suggested earlier by Samuels and Snyder and then applies it -- along with the issue of the value of a vote -- to the Municipal Council of the Capital City of Prague electoral system, especially in the context of the October 2010 elections and previous changes to the electoral system. The analysis of malapportionment and the value of a vote shows that the new electoral rules present some problems with respect to the "one vote, one value" principle but, on the other hand, that these rules conform with, and are comparable to electoral systems used worldwide. This conclusion supports the Czech Constitutional Court's decision not to annul the 2010 Municipal Council elections. Adapted from the source document.

This article aims at explaining the success of the center-left coalition in the Italian regional elections in April 2005. Does it express voters real discontent with the government of the House of Freedoms? Or, alternatively, are the results due to the fact that in the so-called second-order elections governing parties are regularly punished & opposition parties preferred? This article takes into consideration the concept of second-order elections & explains on this basis the recent electoral results. References. Adapted from the source document.

The increasing levels of electoral abstention across 'new' European democracies can downgrade the legitimacy of these regimes. From this point of view, the basic question 'who does not vote and why?' gains new relevance. My article focuses on the determinants of non-voting from a cross-national perspective. I present two approaches towards explaining electoral abstention. The first, arising from the Michigan model, is based on a solid connection between party choice and participation. This approach considers the lack of party identification as the main reason for non-voting. The second approach emphasizes the role of the decision-making process in abstention itself, without regard to the selection of a preferred party, and is connected with well-known concepts like political efficacy, trust, interest, and satisfaction. These explanations have often been utilized for well-established democracies, yet how do they work in post-Communist space? After a brief theoretical discussion, I investigate the robustness of presented theories by means of empirical analysis of the situation in 11 post-Communist countries. The European Social Survey 2008 is used for the verification of the importance of both approaches. Adapted from the source document.

Traditionally, political rights are an important component of the relationship between the state and its citizens, and therefore only citizens are entitled to bear them. Nevertheless, due to international migration this approach is subject to change and nowadays many countries give voting rights also to foreigners who are resident there. The attitude of the Czech Republic has so far been conservative, which means that only the minimum standard enacted by European law is accommodated. However, preparatory work on a new electoral code has given rise to a discussion on the possible extension of voting rights also to foreigners from third countries resident in the country. This article tries to enhance the discussion in three ways. The first part consists of an analysis of what the potential percentage of foreign voters is, taking into consideration their geographic distribution in particular municipalities and thus providing an estimate of their influence on local councils. According to the results, potential foreign voters form a relevant minority only in 11 out of 6251 municipalities. The second part is focused on the actual exercise of voting rights by European citizens resident in the Czech Republic, who have it already. A representative survey conducted on a sample of 5% of municipalities shows that the turnout of these voters is negligible (approx. 2.4%), far below the EU average. The last part of the article deals with the legislation in this area which causes crucial obstacles to the real exercise of political rights by foreigners, and therefore is incompatible with the European law. Adapted from the source document.