Exclusionistic electorates: extreme right-wing voting in Western Europe
In: ICS dissertation series 79
In: ICS dissertation series 79
The central aim in our NWO 'Comprehensible Language' project (2012-2016) was to investigate to what extent Voting Advice Applications (VAAs) intentionally and unintentionally affect political knowledge and political attitudes. In this article, we present an overview of four years of research. First, we investigated reasons for use of VAAs, distinguishing three types of users: checkers (well-informed, enjoying to check the VAA), seekers (looking for political information to base their vote on) and doubters (looking for information but cynical about politics). The proportions of these groups differ for first vs. second order elections. Second, we investigated whether VAAs increase users' political knowledge. We found that users report an increase of internal efficacy due to their VAA use, but we did not find an increase in actual political knowledge. Third, a field experiment showed systematic effects of framing variation on the answers to VAA assertions, which might suggest different underlying knowledge representations. Finally, think aloud research showed that users experience considerable problems with understanding the assertions semantically and pragmatically, as well as with interpreting the results screen. Additionally, we found that users view the result screen as an end point rather than as a starting point for deliberation. We discuss some implications for theory and practice.
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The framing of a message can affect the way people think about an issue, and the framing of attitude questions influences the opinions expressed. Current research investigated political emphasis framing in the context of Voting Advice Applications. In an online survey regarding the European Elections (2019), a conservative vs. progressive frame was manipulated across 15 questions. As the original VAA did not include introductory texts to the questions, a control condition without introduction texts was also added. Participants (N = 106) were randomly assigned to one of these three conditions. Results show that there is an effect for conservative introductions to elicit answers reflecting more progressive attitudes, but only for the group of respondents with conservative voting positions (PTV). This pattern could not be explained by political sophistication: higher political sophistication is related to a main effect of more progressive answering behaviour, but does not explain the framing effect for conservative frames in the conservative group.
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In: Res publica: politiek-wetenschappelijk tijdschrift van de Lage Landen ; driemaandelijks tijdschrift, Band 49, Heft 4, S. 559-574
ISSN: 0486-4700
By means of a re-analysis of the most relevant data source -- the international social mobility & politics file -- this paper criticizes the newly grown consensus in political sociology that class voting has declined since World War II. An increase of crosscutting cultural voting, rooted in educational differences, rather than a decline of class voting proves responsible for the decline of the traditional class-party alignments. Moreover, income differences have not become less, but more consequential for voting behavior during this period. It is concluded that the new consensus has been built on quicksand. Class is not dead -- it has been buried alive under the increasing weight of cultural voting, systematically misinterpreted as a decline of class voting, due to the widespread application of the Alford index. Tables, Figures. Adapted from the source document.
In: Res publica: politiek-wetenschappelijk tijdschrift van de Lage Landen ; driemaandelijks tijdschrift, Band 52, Heft 1, S. 73-97
ISSN: 0486-4700
In: Acta politica: AP ; international journal of political science ; official journal of the Dutch Political Science Association (Nederlandse Kring voor Wetenschap der Politiek), Band 21, Heft 1, S. 57-79
ISSN: 0001-6810
Analysis of the results of three municipal district council elections in May 1984 in Rotterdam (Netherlands) reveals that the unemployed vote considerably less frequently than do the employed, a finding supported by past research. Examination of intervening variables reveals that unemployment most notably affects the f of voting for autochthonous voters of Dutch origin, particularly those with only primary school education; age has no significant influence. Unemployed persons who do vote show a deviant voting pattern in that they support the Dutch social-democratic party (PvdA) more than does the average voter. Though results provide a social-psychological picture of the average unemployed, the influence of politics & the political culture have not been investigated. Further research is suggested on the political involvement of the unemployed. 13 Tables, 1 Figure. Modified HA
In: Acta politica: AP ; international journal of political science ; official journal of the Dutch Political Science Association (Nederlandse Kring voor Wetenschap der Politiek), Band 6, Heft 2, S. 172-193
ISSN: 0001-6810
The article deals with the proper identification & localization of the effect of election predictions on voting behavior. As a revision of the "traditional bandwagon concept" stemming from the 1930's & 1940's, which is still in use despite its conceptual fallacy, new lines of thought are merged into the definition of the "modern bandwagon concept:" the relative & subjective bandwagon effects, together with the relative & subjective underdog effects & the slack effect, constitute the declaration effect as a resultant. Using matrices based upon party preferences, upon exposure to, perception of & interpretation of election predictions, & upon possible voting behavior, the several effects are localized. The real existence of effects is briefly discussed in relation to favorable or neutralizing conditions from the fields of pol'al sci & of mass COMM's. A warning is issued, on methodological & pol'al grounds, against too quick an acceptance of US res findings as valid for the Netherlands. IPSA.
In: Res publica: politiek-wetenschappelijk tijdschrift van de Lage Landen ; driemaandelijks tijdschrift, Band 54, Heft 3, S. 331-361
ISSN: 0486-4700
In: Veul , I , Flache , A & Venema , S 2016 , ' PVV en SP : ideologische tegenstanders met dezelfde voedingsbodem? ' , Mens en Maatschappij , vol. 91 , no. 1 , pp. 27-52 . https://doi.org/10.5117/MEM2016.1.VEUL ; ISSN:0025-9454
The right-wing PVV and the left-wing SP are seen as populist parties who are fierce ideological adversaries in the Dutch political spectrum. We study the similarities and differences in municipal contexts that explain their electoral success. Results of the 2010 national elections at the municipality level are analyzed for nearly all (N=403) Dutch municipalities. Hypotheses are formulated based on integrated group threat theory and relative deprivation theory. Results indicate similarities but also clear differences in the contexts in which SP and PVV thrive. PVV is more successful in municipalities with more immigrants and a higher average perception of unsafety, SP thrives more under local socioeconomic deprivation.
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In: Res publica: politiek-wetenschappelijk tijdschrift van de Lage Landen ; driemaandelijks tijdschrift, Band 49, Heft 1, S. 194-210
ISSN: 0486-4700
Official results of local elections are especially interesting when collected at the lowest level possible, to enable analyses of voting behavior on the smallest social unit. In Antwerp, together with the city-level results, the voting results for the city districts are public too. Yet, still no possibility exists to review the official results at the neighborhood level. This lack of data makes it difficult to relate specific neighborhood characteristics to voting behavior in those neighborhoods & to compare them. Thus, to collect the data on neighborhood voting behavior, we organized an exit-poll in 18 neighborhoods of seven districts in Antwerp, during the recent county, local & district elections. This article briefly sketches the exit-poll & its organization & presents the main results. These results will be compared with the formal results on district level, & the neighborhoods will be compared to one another. The results are -- as expected -- slightly biased, although in some districts more than in others. Voting behavior in neighborhoods turns out to vary strongly. We try to explain the voting behavior with the help of several neighborhood characteristics, like the proportion of immigrants & unemployed. The analysis confirms some important correlations, but refutes others. Tables. Adapted from the source document.
In: Acta politica: AP ; international journal of political science ; official journal of the Dutch Political Science Association (Nederlandse Kring voor Wetenschap der Politiek), Band 31, Heft 3, S. 209-228
ISSN: 0001-6810
Discusses voting as a paradoxical, cyclical social preference, reflecting a common method of social choice used in democratic political decisions, ie, majority rule. An example of the voting paradox is analyzed. In Nov 1994, the Dutch Parliament discussed the modernization of the nuclear power plant in Borssele, offering parliament members three distinct options. Development of the options is reconstructed, & it is shown that subsequent application of majority rule through voting would have led to a top cycle in social preferences. This example illustrates how the voting paradox can occur in Dutch politics. 5 Tables, 25 References. Adapted from the source document.
In: Res publica: politiek-wetenschappelijk tijdschrift van de Lage Landen ; driemaandelijks tijdschrift, Band 52, Heft 1, S. 45-73
ISSN: 0486-4700
In: VOR Maatschappij- en Gedragswetenschappen
De laatste jaren zijn in Nederland de gemoederen rond de multiculturele samenleving hoog opgelopen. Er gaat geen dag voorbij of we lezen of horen wel iets over kwesties rond de etnisch diverse samenleving. De vraag is: hoe reageren kiezers en politieke partijen op deze situatie? Wat zijn de electorale reacties van autochtone én allochtone Nederlanders op de discussies rond de multiculturele samenleving en hoe kunnen we deze reacties verklaren? Welk gedrag laten politieke partijen zien en waarom?Onzekerheid blijkt een belangrijke rol te spelen in het gedrag van kiezers en partijen. De allochton
In: Res publica: politiek-wetenschappelijk tijdschrift van de Lage Landen ; driemaandelijks tijdschrift, Band 52, Heft 1, S. 9-19
ISSN: 0486-4700
In: Res publica: politiek-wetenschappelijk tijdschrift van de Lage Landen ; driemaandelijks tijdschrift, Band 53, Heft 4, S. 385-406
ISSN: 0486-4700
Using literature, documents and parliamentary debates in Britain, Germany, The Netherlands, Austria, and Switzerland, nine arguments for and against lowering the voting age to sixteen are distinguished and critically assessed. The assessment is based on criteria such as logical consistency and empirical validity. It is argued that most arguments can hardly be defended with these criteria. However, this does not mean that the case for lowering the voting age is weak. This would only be the case if a voting age of eighteen is considered as valuable in its own right. Adapted from the source document.