Suchergebnisse

"Through a thorough evaluation of Nazi-era German intelligence reports, Robert Hutchinson reveals that, far from a haven of objective analysis on the margins of the Nazi dictatorship, German foreign intelligence agents repeatedly affirmed Hitler's misunderstanding of Great Britain, underestimated the Soviet Union, and downplayed the economic and military contribution of the United States to the widening war in Europe. Moreover, intelligence agents in these same reports were vocal in their identification and denunciation of the malevolent influence of international Jewry on world affairs. Hutchinson's revelation is additionally significant because, after 1945, many German intelligence figures found employment with the Cold War West, using their "expertise" in Soviet affairs to advise the West German government, US military, and CIA on Soviet military and political matters."--Provided by publisher

West Point to be his permanent post; urges Partridge not to propose changes to laws pertaining to the academy. ; Transcription by Joseph Byrne. Transcriptions may be subject to error.

For Strauss, Jerusalem and Athens are the two roots of Western civilization, with Jerusalem representing biblical revelation and Athens representing philosophy. Their relationship is one of "fundamental opposition," an opposition that constitutes the vitality of western civilization. In Strauss's reading, to choose between Jerusalem and Athens is to choose between "life in obedience to divine law or life in freedom." Girard, too, recognizes the tension between Athens and Jerusalem, but he does not conceive of it as Strauss does. The question to be considered will be whether or not Strauss's account of the relationship between Jerusalem and Athens has left him susceptible to Girard's critique of philosophy, particularly his critique of Heidegger. Has Strauss overlooked philosophy's complicity in scapegoating, and its cultural role in hiding the victim from view?

The article supports the thesis that despite Cold War style oratory and criticism of the NATO's intervention against Yugoslavia, Russian policy on Kosovo armed conflict represented a realistic and pragmatic approach. It points that Russian leadership was conscious of the domestic political and economic problems as well as the unfavourable post Cold War shift of power and changes of the international system and knew that Russia could not reply to the unilateral NATO's air campaign against Yugoslavia. It argues that Moscow admittedly wanted to avoid NATO intervention at the Balkans which inevitably undermined the international position of Russia, but despite some political gestures and claims about the traditional Russo-Serbian friendship had no direct geopolitical interests at the Kosovo conflict, did not believe the Milosevic's 'truths' and actively participated at the high-level international peacemaking initiatives together with the West. It claims that Russia actually supported Western efforts aimed to stop the violence at the province and start political dialogue between Belgrade and Kosovo Albanians about the autonomy of the province. It finally argues that Russian constructive approach 'helped' the Alliance to end its war over Kosovo and stresses that peace proposals offered to Belgrade were collectively worked out and endorsed by the West and Russia.

This article explores the genesis of Indonesian political Islam and its interactions with the nationalist secular state in the immediate post-colonial era while examining some of the origins of the 'radical' stream that has garnered much attention in the current post-authoritarian period. It puts forward the idea that, rather than an outcome of Indonesian democratisation, this stream was in fact the product of authoritarian New Order rule. The article also considers some parallels in the trajectories of political Islam more generally in Indonesia, the Middle East and North Africa, especially as a kind of populist response to the tensions and contradictions of global capitalism. It addresses the city of Surakarta (Solo) as a case study and highlights the importance of Cold War politics in moulding political Islam in Indonesia and elsewhere. The approach emphasises historical and sociological factors shaping political Islam that have tended to be relegated to the background in prevalent security-oriented analyses concerned with issues of terrorism and violence. (JCSA/GIGA)

Die Assoziationsverträge werden charakterisiert sowie Stand und Struktur des Handels zwischen der EG und den Staaten Osteuropas beschrieben