Suchergebnisse

Political education means preparing citizens to accept social roles and perform political duties in society. Wise political education is one of the educational models that is rooted in the philosophical tradition of ancient Greece and has been considered by thinkers in different historical periods. In this educational model, the institutionalization of political and social values and norms is followed in three individual, family and social areas of education. In this process, the physical and mental education of individuals begins from childhood and they are taught political and social skills and awareness on the path to development. Teaching moral virtues and avoiding moral vices is the basis of wise political education. The institution of the family has the task of institutionalizing values and norms such as love, affection, courage, friendship, cooperation and rule of law in children. And in the process, individuals are prepared to accept and play political and social roles. ; La educación política significa preparar a los ciudadanos para que acepten los roles sociales y desempeñen los deberes políticos en la sociedad. La educación política sabia es uno de los modelos educativos que hunde sus raíces en la tradición filosófica de la antigua Grecia y ha sido considerada por pensadores de diferentes periodos históricos. En este modelo educativo se sigue la institucionalización de los valores y normas políticas y sociales en tres ámbitos de la educación: individual, familiar y social. En este proceso, la educación física y mental de los individuos comienza desde la infancia y se les enseña las habilidades y la conciencia política y social en el camino del desarrollo. Enseñar las virtudes morales y evitar los vicios morales es la base de una sabia educación política. La institución de la familia tiene la tarea de institucionalizar en los niños valores y normas como el amor, el afecto, el valor, la amistad, la cooperación y el imperio de la ley. Y en el proceso, los individuos están preparados para aceptar y ...

The Europe of the future, democratic, freedom fighter, promoter of peace and well-being, is a task of all Europeans. The founding fathers of the European project opened up the path that men of good-will like David Sassoli were capable of dynamizing with determination and wisdom. It is important to follow their example and make of the general interest of Europe the common wish of each citizen and each nation.

This article will try to address three inter-connected issues. Is the US a unipolar power? The answer in an unambiguous yes: the United States is the sole international pole in the post- Cold War era & unipolarity will last for the next few decades. But will that situation guarantee a more peaceful world? We can't be so sure about it. Contrary to received wisdom, there is no reason to suppose that American unipolarity will be peaceful. Whatever the strategy chosen by the United States -- global primacy, defense of the status quo or disengagement -- conflict will be the rule in an unbalanced international system. Adapted from the source document.

The Bush Era was marked by two analytical mistakes. In 2003, America was seen as the "Empire." In 2008, conventional wisdom established that we live in a multipolar world. These two mistakes share a common cause: a misunderstanding of the concepts of "unipolarity" & "constitutional order." We aim to demonstrate the following points: (1) the interstate system remains unipolar; (2) a key change has happened not at the level of structural unipolarity, but at the level of the constitutional order (namely in the American system of alliances). We can assert that the unipolar moment has not ended. What has come to an end is the eurocentric moment at the constitutional order. Adapted from the source document.

In recent times, the media have been a privileged arena for the circulation of wisdom and knowledge about life in general. The same applies to school. In order to analyze the productivity of some discourses present on the media – particularly in their printed version – about school, I attempted to confirm the existence of a 'device' (FOUCAULT, 1989). It is permanently used by the media to stress school's relevance among us. The examples presented here illustrate the variety, quantity, and 'quality' of the arguments regarding school. Furthermore, although conclusions are not (and do not intend to be) final, perhaps the only solution pointed out by news articles for contemporary school facing constant threats is to use new technologies and the endless control mechanisms to keep "in" school those uncivil, undisciplined, and rude who have not yet been able to learn to believe in its importance (and the education it practices).

This paper examines the reading of Hans Jonas about the impact of new technologies on human and extra-humanlife. He highlights, in particular, that new technologies have assumed an excessive power to the man, who bringsboth good and disastrous consequences, which may even lead to the extinction of the present and future life. He confirms that this significant increase in technical knowledge. Unfortunately, that was not proportional to the increase of human wisdom. So, our intention is to present, according to the understanding of Hans Jonas, the proposed review of the prevailing ethical levels along the western philosophical tradition; elucidating the main features of modern technology; presenting the shortcomings of traditional ethics before emerging problems in the contemporary world; circumscribing how ethical principle of responsibility emerges and showing how extent scientific progress demands ethical prudence. Therefore, we support the idea that the ethics of Hans Jonas goes beyond the anthropocentric relationship, promoting bio-cosmocentric ethics that includes the extra-human, considering the development of ethical awareness and the responsibility of man to the present and future of life on the planet.

In this article, we will analyze the positive dimension of silencing for epistemic practices. Since: (a) silencing refers to a communicative impediment; and (b) at least in part our epistemic agency depends on this ability to express and make ourselves understood, it would be possible to conclude that (c) silencing necessarily harms our epistemic interactions. However, Barrett Emerick (2019) reminds us that in some cases silencing helps to preserve the integrity and dignity of those whose epistemic agency is violated. Based on this initial insight, we listed three premises that culminated in the justification for silencing other people: (1) epistemic silences stem from socio-historical processes and the power relations that permeate them; (2) the limits of epistemic agencies are established through social norms and conventions that affect identities in different ways; and, (3) the dignity of the human person must be the criterion for establishing the limits between what should or should not be said. Considering that in order to act correctly it is necessary not only the justifications for acting, but also the appropriate occasion, we defend that practical wisdom (phronesis) is the proper virtue for individuals, groups and institutions to know when to silence other people.

This book challenges conventional wisdom about bullfighting. With an innovative approach, based on the work of Norbert Elias, the author argues bullfight is the result of the interaction between transformations of society and decisions that aim to create bullfighting rules. In the course of history, bullfighting became civilized, that is, pacified, in the sense that the level of self-control in the conduct and emotions of both bullfighters and public increased. This does not mean that violence has disappeared, but that it has acquired new traits. This historical path, from the 15th century to the present, is reconstructed in these pages by analyzing bullfighting in Portugal through the viewpoint of the regulation of violence, its public exposure and its relationship with the population's patterns of behavior and sensitivity. - Este livro desafia a sabedoria convencional acerca das corridas de touros. Com uma abordagem inovadora, a partir da obra de Norbert Elias, defende que a tourada é o resultado da interação entre as transformações da sociedade e as decisões que visam criar regras sobre a lide do touro. No decurso da história, a corrida de touros civilizou-se, ou seja, pacificou-se, no sentido em que foi aumentando o nível de autocontrolo na conduta e nas emoções quer dos toureiros quer do público. Tal não significa que a violência tenha desaparecido, mas sim que adquiriu novas faces e contornos. Este percurso histórico, desde o século xv até à atualidade, é reconstruído nestas páginas analisando a corrida de touros em Portugal através do prisma da regulação da violência, da sua exposição pública e da sua relação com os padrões de comportamento e de sensibilidade da população.