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In coercive diplomacy, states threaten military action to persuade opponents to change their behaviour. The goal is to achieve a target's compliance without incurring the cost in blood and treasure of military intervention. Coercers typically employ this strategy toward weaker actors, but targets often refuse to submit and the parties enter into war. To explain these puzzling failures of coercive diplomacy, existing accounts generally refer to coercers' perceived lack of resolve or targets' social norms and identities. What these approaches either neglect or do not examine systematically is the role that emotions play in these encounters. This work contends that target leaders' affective experience can shape their decision-making in significant ways. The study introduces an additional, emotion-based action model besides the traditional logics of consequences and appropriateness.

This work explores the IMF's role within the politics of austerity by providing a path-breaking comprehensive analysis of how the IMF approach to fiscal policy has evolved since 2008, and how the IMF worked to alter advanced economy policy responses to the global financial crisis and the Eurozone crisis. It updates our understanding of how the IMF seeks to wield ideational power by analysing the Fund's post-crash their ability to influence what constitutes legitimate knowledge, and their ability fix meanings attached to economic policies within the social process of constructing economic orthodoxy. This text is interested in the politics of economic ideas, focused on the assumptive foundations of different approaches to economic policy, and how the interpretive framework through which authoritative voices evaluate economic policy is an important site of power in world politics.

Traditionelle Darstellungen der deutschen Geschichte gehen meist davon aus, die Deutschen seien besonders staatsorientiert. Diese Sichtweise verkennt, dass Deutschland um 1900 eine Weltmacht war, wenn es um das stifterische Engagement seiner Bürger ging: Stiftungen finanzierten öffentliche Museen, förderten die Wissenschaften, unterhielten Gymnasien wie Universitäten und stellten Sozialleistungen zur Verfügung. Dieses Buch, die erste umfassende Darstellung des Stiftungswesens in Deutschland im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert, behandelt dieses bislang als Randphänomen der Vormoderne verkannte zivilgesellschaftliche Handeln in allen seinen Aspekten. Thomas Adam verdeutlicht eindrucksvoll, dass Stiftungen mit ihren ungeheuren Finanzressourcen der modernen deutschen Gesellschaft einen spezifischen Charakter gaben, der nicht nur durch Adel oder Staat, sondern ganz wesentlich auch durch selbstbewusste Bürger bestimmt wurde.

In Deutschland sind viele klischeehafte Vorstellungen über die Scharia verbreitet. Das gilt auch für die angebliche Unvereinbarkeit von Demokratie und Islam oder die vorgebliche Neigung des Islam zur Gewalt. Rudolf Steinberg unterzieht diese Annahmen einer kritischen Betrachtung und fragt nach der institutionellen Verortung eines deutschen Islam. Er führt in einer tour d'horizon sachlich und differenziert durch die aktuellen juristischen und politischen Diskussionen. Denn die Scharia gibt es ebenso wenig wie den Islam.

Wie steht es um die politische Gleichheit in Gesellschaften, in denen Einkommen immer weiter auseinanderdriften und die Armen sich kaum noch politisch beteiligen? Wessen Stimme findet Gehör? Mit einer umfassenden empirischen Untersuchung politischer Repräsentation in Deutschland zeigt die Autorin, dass die Entscheidungen des Deutschen Bundestages seit den 1980er-Jahren systematisch zugunsten oberer Berufs- und Einkommensgruppen verzerrt sind. In der Folge wird nicht nur das Gleichheitsversprechen der Demokratie verletzt, sondern es werden auch vermehrt Entscheidungen getroffen, die ökonomische Ungleichheit tendenziell verschärfen.

This is the first such study of Operation Banner, the British Army's campaign in Northern Ireland. Drawing upon extensive interviews with former soldiers, primary archival sources including unpublished diaries and unit log-books, this book closely examines soldiers' behaviour at the small infantry-unit level (Battalion downwards), including the leadership, cohesion and training that sustained, restrained and occasionally misdirected soldiers during the most violent period of the Troubles in Northern Ireland. It contends that there are aspects of wider scholarly literatures - including from sociology, anthropology, criminology, and psychology - that can throw new light on our understanding of the British Army in Northern Ireland. It also offers fresh insights and analysis of incidents involving the British Army during the early years of Operation Banner, including the 1972 'Pitchfork murders' of Michael Naan and Andrew Murray in County Fermanagh, and that of Warrenpoint hotel owner Edmund Woolsey in South Armagh. The central argument of this book is that British Army small infantry units enjoyed considerable autonomy during the early years of Operation Banner and could behave in a vengeful, highly aggressive or benign and conciliatory way as their local commanders saw fit. The strain of civil-military relations at a senior level was replicated operationally as soldiers came to resent the limitations of waging war in the UK. The unwillingness of the Army's senior leadership to thoroughly investigate and punish serious transgressions of standard operating procedures in Northern Ireland created uncertainty among soldiers over expected behaviour and desired outcomes. Overly aggressive groups of soldiers could also be mistaken for high-functioning units - with negative consequences for the Army's overall strategy in Northern Ireland.