Suchergebnisse

In comparison to their public and for‐profit counterparts, not‐for‐profit employees report experiencing higher work demands. Despite the harmful effects attributed to this important sector difference, few, if any, empirical studies in the not‐for‐profit literature have investigated how job‐related resources, such as control over one's job, help buffer work demands' strain‐inducing impact. The present study fills this important gap in the extant not‐for‐profit literature by testing a recently introduced nonlinear stressor‐strain model on a sample of 363 employees from two different types of not‐for‐profit human service agencies located in the city of New York. As hypothesized, the nonlinear demand by linear control interaction term was statistically and significantly associated with job strain in the predicted direction. Study data not only challenge the linear nature of Karasek's seminal demand‐control model, but are also the first to uncover this unique finding in a sample of not‐for‐profit human service employees. Implications for practice and theory are also discussed.

Cet article propose d'aborder la campagne des élections législatives de juin 2012 menée par le Parti Pirate français. Nous examinons comment cette organisation partisane, qui a la particularité de s'appuyer sur la cyberculture pour définir sa démarche politique, tente de transgresser les règles du jeu politique. En effet, le Parti Pirate et ses militants souhaitent hacker la politique en concevant et en pratiquant différemment celle-ci. Dès lors, la campagne électorale Pirate apparaît être un cas pratique pertinent pour saisir comment les candidats et l'organisation Pirate tentent de pratiquer la politique. Nous analysons tout d'abord la sociographie des candidats et des suppléants Pirates, puis la stratégie et l'organisation de la campagne, tant à l'échelle des candidats/suppléants que de l'organisation Pirate. Enfin, nous montrons les conséquences politiques et organisationnelles de cette campagne électorale.

Adoptant une perspective sociologique, cet article s'intéresse aux différents types d'acteurs impliqués dans la mise en oeuvre de la communication électronique officielle des candidats à l'élection présidentielle française de 2012. D'une part, il examine la diversité des statuts (prestataire, permanent ou stagiaire rémunéré par le candidat, bénévole), des parcours de formation et des profils socioprofessionnels et politiques des faiseurs de la communication électorale en ligne. D'autre part, il cherche à appréhender les types de compétences au titre desquelles ces acteurs sont mobilisés pour intervenir dans la gestion de la communication de la campagne en ligne. L'hétérogénéité qui caractérise ce type de communicateurs conduit alors à interroger les voies de l'accès aux équipes de campagne numérique et, conséquemment, les voix de la professionnalisation de la communication politique. L'examen des profils des acteurs des campagnes électroniques des candidats permet de montrer que même si les connaissances et les compétences en termes de communication et/ou du numérique peuvent intervenir dans le recrutement, l'importance accordée aux compétences et à la légitimité politiques traditionnellement exigées perdure.

Ce texte explore les déterminants de la participation en ligne et les confronte aux théories classiques qui insistent sur les ressources sociodémographiques et culturelles. Il considère aussi l'impact des compétences numériques et d'attitudes politiques comme la confiance à l'égard des partis. L'étude repose sur deux sondages en ligne auprès de citoyens qui ont utilisé Internet à des fins électorales au cours des campagnes présidentielle en France et législative au Québec en 2012. L'âge, la confiance envers les partis et les compétences numériques constituent des prédicteurs significatifs de la participation en ligne. En revanche, cette dernière n'entretient pas de rapports positifs avec le niveau d'éducation et le type d'occupation.

Recent literature on commercialization in the American nonprofit sector attributes increased reliance on fee income to neoliberal policies. This trend is often depicted as an invasion of market forces that debase civil society by reducing social values and interpersonal relations to commodities and transactions. My article challenges these beliefs by presenting historical data that have been largely ignored in recent writing. Examining a series of multicity financial reports, I demonstrate that the U.S. nonprofit human services sector increased its fee-reliance significantly before neoliberal policy changes. Drawing on social work literature, I show that the practice of fee-charging reflected an ethos of communal inclusiveness rather than mere profit-seeking. In light of this evidence, I argue that fee-charging should be understood as a long-standing and multivalent feature of the nonprofit human services sector rather than as a recent incursion of profit-driven rationalities.

AbstractThere is a growing understanding that cross‐sector risks faced by critical infrastructure assets in natural disasters require a collaborative foresight from multiple disciplines. However, current contributions to infrastructure interdependency analysis remain centered in discipline‐specific methodologies often constrained by underlying theories and assumptions. This perspective article contributes to ongoing discussions about the uses, challenges, and opportunities provided by interdisciplinary research in critical infrastructure interdependency analysis. In doing so, several modes of integration of computational modeling with contributions from the social sciences and other disciplines are explored to advance knowledge that can improve the infrastructure system resilience under extreme events. Three basic modes of method integration are identified and discussed: (a) integrating engineering models and social science research, (b) engaging communities in participative and collaborative forms of social learning and problem solving using simulation models to facilitate synthesis, exploration, and evaluation of scenarios, and (c) developing interactive simulations where IT systems and humans act as "peers" leveraging the capacity of distributed networked platforms and human‐in‐the‐loop architectures for improving situational awareness, real‐time decision making, and response capabilities in natural disasters. Depending on the conceptualization of the issues under investigation, these broadly defined modes of integration can coalesce to address key issues in promoting interdisciplinary research by outlining potential areas of future inquiry that would be most beneficial to the critical infrastructure protection communities.

This article examines the intriguing decision of the Israeli government in the aftermath of the 1967 War to embark on a national television project that would be dominated by broadcasts in Arabic. Since actual broadcasts quickly ended up switching to Hebrew, this initial rationale has received little academic attention. Based on primary research, the article suggests that the original decision was driven by the desire of the State to address four identity challenges that it faced at the time: the challenge of delegitimation and hostile propaganda by the Arab world, the challenge of dealing with the Palestinian population in the newly occupied territories, the challenge of dealing with Israel's Arab citizens, and the challenge of dealing with the Jewish immigrants from the Arab world. I argue that the promise of addressing these multiple challenges made the TV project very attractive, even if for a short time, thus leading to its initiation. The discussion is anchored in the literature from the field of International Relations that explores the concepts of soft power and ontological security and consequently the potential role of popular culture in shaping and managing identity challenges

Cet article examine les objectifs stratégiques assignés aux campagnes électorales en ligne dans le discours de membres des équipes de campagne de l'élection présidentielle française et de l'élection générale québécoise (toutes deux en 2012). L'analyse est menée à partir de 37 entretiens semi-directifs réalisés avec différents types de personnels de campagne au Québec et en France. En mobilisant le concept d'hybridité des campagnes électorales, les objectifs stratégiques de campagne tels qu'ils ressortent des entretiens sont divisés en trois catégories : objectifs de diffusion de contenus ; objectifs politiques et de mobilisation ; objectifs de marketing et d'animation de communautés. L'analyse indique que les objectifs de diffusion de contenus liés à la dissémination et au contrôle des messages sont les plus souvent mentionnés. Également, des différences contextuelles apparaissent. D'abord, le Québec est la démocratie où les discours sur la diffusion de contenus, et dans une moindre mesure le marketing et l'animation, sont les plus dominants, tandis que les objectifs politiques et de mobilisation sont plus souvent évoqués en France. Ensuite, il ressort que les stratèges de gauche sont plus enclins à insister sur les objectifs politiques et de mobilisation, alors que les stratèges de droite sont plus axés sur la diffusion de contenus. Troisièmement, le discours des équipes des candidats et partis au pouvoir se distingue par une attention accrue à la diffusion de contenus, notamment au contrôle du message, contrairement à celui des opposants. L'étude conclut que tous les partis ont mené des campagnes hybrides au sein desquelles le numérique est une composante centrale. Elle rappelle également qu'il convient de prendre en compte les facteurs institutionnels afin de mieux comprendre les différences en termes de campagnes en ligne d'une démocratie à l'autre.

In recent years there has been a significant shortage of workers in Iceland. The traditional method of arranging temporary work, through direct contracts between employees and employers, has not sufficed. Moreover, there is a skills mismatch that compounds the shortage of workers as the sectors that have grown most rapidly in recent years mainly employ unskilled labor. This study examined the historical background of temporary work in Iceland, recent developments and in particular the growing importance of temporary staffing agencies, as well as the economic rationale for temporary staffing agencies, and the segmented labor market in Iceland. The study employs expert opinion approach, together with content and statistical analysis. Experts placed strongest emphasis on temporary workforce dependency on economic conditions, closely followed by sector triggered temporary workforce fluctuation. Socio-legal infrastructure for temporary workforce had the third strongest emphasis with other themes being less emphasized. These dramatic changes to the Icelandic labor market have undoubtedly had a significant impact on Icelandic society but there is surprisingly little research available into this. The efforts of unions and the Federation of Employees have helped to push through legislation on temporary staffing agencies and the rights of foreign workers, however, as long as there is economic rationale for their operation and a legal and regulatory framework that accommodates them the agencies can be expected to continue bringing temporary staff to Iceland. The impact on the labor market and society thus seems likely to be permanent.

Skipulag heilbrigðisþjónustu er meðal erfiðustu viðfangsefna stjórnvalda. Líkt og aðrar þjóðir sem reka félagslegt heilbrigðiskerfi standa Íslendingar frammi fyrir spurningunni um hvert eigi að vera hlutverk einkarekstrar innan heilsugæslunnar. Markmið rannsóknarinnar var tvíþætt: að bera saman einkarekstur og ríkisrekstur 17 heilsugæslustöðva á höfuðborgarsvæðinu og greina ánægjukannanir þeim tengdar. Við upphaf Íslandsbyggðar verður til lögbundin samhjálp þar sem kveðið er á um skyldur samfélagsins við þá sem þarfnast hjálpar og með lögum um heilbrigðisþjónustu árið 1973 féll íslenska heilbrigðiskerfið undir norræna velferðarsamfélagið með jöfnu aðgengi og þéttu öryggisneti. Rannsóknin sýnir að einkareknu heilsugæslustöðvarnar voru með lágan kostnað á hverja verkeiningu en þó ekki þann lægsta. Fjórar til sjö ríkisreknar stöðvar voru með lægri kostnað á hvern skráðan einstakling en þær einkareknu. Kostnaður á hverja stöðu læknis var hæstur hjá annarri einkareknu stöðinni. Þjónustukannanir sýndu að enginn munur var á ánægju með gæði þjónustu milli þessara tveggja ólíku rekstrarforma. Þá ályktun má draga af þessari rannsókn að ekki sé hægt að fullyrða að einkarekstur í heilsugæslu bæti meðferð opinbers fjár eða auki gæði þjónustunnar.

AbstractIn flood risk analysis, limitations in the multivariate statistical models adopted to model the hydraulic load have restricted the probability of a defense suffering structural failure to be expressed conditionally on a single hydraulic loading variable. This is an issue at the coastal level where multiple loadings act on defenses with the exact combination of loadings dictating their failure probabilities. Recently, a methodology containing a multivariate statistical model with the flexibility to robustly capture the dependence structure between the individual loadings was used to derive extreme nearshore loading conditions. Its adoption will permit the incorporation of more precise representations of a structure's vulnerability in future analyses. In this article, a fragility representation of a shingle beach, where the failure probability is expressed over a three‐dimensional loading parameter space—water level, wave height, and period—is derived at two localities. Within the approach, a Gaussian copula is used to capture any dependencies between the simplified geometric parameters of a beach's shape. Beach profiles are simulated from the copula and the failure probability, given the hydraulic load, determined by the reformulated Bradbury barrier inertia parameter model. At one site, substantial differences in the annual failure probability distribution are observed between the new and existing approaches. At the other, the beach only becomes vulnerable after a significant reduction of the crest height with its mean annual failure probability close to that presently predicted. It is concluded that further application of multivariate approaches is likely to yield more effective flood risk management.

Based on the results of sociological research, key barriers that prevent active integration of the business sector into social and economic development of the territories are identified, and the problems of interaction between government and business at the municipal level in present Russian conditions are determined. It is concluded that only on the basis of building common values between the authorities and the business community, changing their behavioral attitudes it is possible to increase the level of social responsibility of business and actively implement social investment.