In: Franke , J 2018 , ' Lotteries and Lindahl Prices in Public Good Provision ' , Journal of Public Economic Theory , vol. 20 , no. 6 , pp. 840-848 . https://doi.org/10.1111/jpet.12307
Lotteries are traditional instruments for fundraising in general. Morgan has shown that they can also be very effective in the provision of a public good. However, a fair lottery can only enhance provision but never result in the efficient amount. Franke and Leininger show how—by borrowing from optimal contest theory—biased lotteries can provide the efficient amount of the public good. This paper aligns this result with standard public good theory, in particular the classic notion of Lindahl pricing. It shows that biased lotteries can—implicitly—implement Lindahl pricing of the public good in noncooperative Nash equilibrium.
In: Weeks , A C 2018 , ' Quotas and Party Priorities: Direct and Indirect Effects of Quota Laws ' , Political Research Quarterly , vol. 72 , no. 4 , pp. 849-862 . https://doi.org/10.1177/1065912918809493
In light of increasing numbers of women in politics, extant research has examined the role of women in the parliamentary party on agenda-setting. This paper complements that literature by exploring the effect of a gendered institution theorized to promote both numbers of women and awareness of women's interests: gender quota laws. I suggest that after a quota law, parties could have incentives to either reduce (backlash effect) or increase (salience effect) attention to women's policy concerns. Using matching and regression methods with a panel data set of parties in advanced democracies, I find that parties in countries that implement a quota law devote more attention to social justice issues in their manifestos than similar parties in countries without a quota. Furthermore, the paper shows that this effect is driven entirely by the law itself. Contrary to expectations, quota laws are not associated with increases in women in my (short-term) sample; it is thus no surprise that no evidence of an indirect effect through numbers of women is found. I interpret the findings as evidence of quota contagion, whereby quotas cue party leaders to compete on gender equality issues.
In: Adeyeye , K , Baïri , A , Emmitt , S & Hyde , K 2018 , ' Socially-integrated resilience in building-level water networks using smart microgrid+net ' , Procedia Engineering , vol. 212 , pp. 39-46 . https://doi.org/10.1016/j.proeng.2018.01.006
Environmental change and natural events can impact on multiple dimensions of human life; economic, social, political, physical (built) and natural (ecosystems) environments. Water distribution networks cover both the built and natural realms and are as such inherently vulnerable to accidental or deliberate physical, natural, chemical, or biological threats. An example of such threats include flooding. The damage to water networks from flooding at the building level can include disrupted supply, pipe damage, sink and sewer overflows, fittings and appliance malfunctions etc. as well as the consequential socio-economic loss and distress. It has also been highlighted that the cost of damage caused by disasters including flooding can be correlated to the warning-time given before it occurs. Therefore, contiguous and continuous preparedness is essential to sustain disaster resilience. This paper presents an early stage review to: 1. Understand the challenges and opportunities posed by disaster risks to critical infrastructure at the building level. 2. Examine the role and importance of early warnings within the smart systems context to promote anticipatory preparedness and reduce physical, economic, environmental and social vulnerability 3. Review the opportunities provided by smart water microgrid/net to deliver such an early warning system and 4. Define the basis for a socially-integrated framework for resilience in building water networks based on smart water micro grids and micronets. The objective is to establish the theoretical approach for smart system integration for risk mitigation in water networks at the building level. Also, to explore the importance and scope integration of other social-political dimensions within such framework and associated solutions. The findings will inform further studies to address the gaps in understanding the disaster risks in micro water infrastructure e.g. flooding, and; to develop strategies and systems to strengthen disaster preparedness for effective response and anticipatory action for such risks.
In: Paskell , R , Gauntlett-Gilbert , J & Wilkinson-Tough , M 2018 , ' Military culture : Masculine Norms, Perceived Personal Control, Autonomous Motivation, and Coping Differences Between Injured Male Military Personnel and Civilian Sportsmen ' , Military Behavioural Health , vol. 7 , no. 2 , pp. 161-169 . https://doi.org/10.1080/21635781.2018.1515130
Engagement in rehabilitation is critical to enhanced outcomes from musculoskeletal injuries (MIs) and has been found to be related to some psychosocial factors. This study tested whether military culture, defined by greater adherence to masculine norms; higher levels of perceived personal control and autonomous motivation; lower levels of emotion-focused coping strategies; and a greater use of problem-focused coping strategies, resulted in better engagement in rehabilitation following MI. These hypothesized cultural differences were measured by administration of validated self-report questionnaires (Brief Illness Perception Questionnaire; Conformity to Masculine Norms Inventory; Treatment Self-Regulation Questionnaire; and the Brief COPE). A between-groups quasi-experimental design compared self-report variables and physiotherapist engagement ratings for 16 male military personnel and 22 committed sportsmen. All participants had sustained musculoskeletal injuries within the past 6 months, for which they were having physiotherapy. No evidence was found for the presence of a hypothesized military culture defined by greater adherence to masculine norms, higher levels of perceived personal control and autonomous motivation, and greater use of problem-focused coping strategies. Clinical and research implications are discussed with recommendations for future work to build upon this study.
In: Kamruzzaman , M & Cooper , S 2018 , ' Contrasting Political and Techno-Economic Perspectives on Energy Policies in Bangladesh ' , Interdisciplinary Environmental Review , vol. 19 , no. 3/4 , pp. 198-218 . https://doi.org/10.1504/IER.2018.095726
This paper assesses whether selected power sector policies in Bangladesh may have been subject to excessive political interference in contrast to rational and open decision-making approach. This is done by comparing techno-economic assessments with populist narratives on the merits and demerits of three specific policies. While the populist narrative is critical of all three policies, techno-economic assessments are less conclusive and some aspects are explained by the context in which the policy planning has occurred. The paper reflects on the differences between populist narrative and techno-economic assessment and suggests how an awareness of their differences may inform future planning.
In: Shah , I , Hiles , C & Morley , B 2018 , ' How Do Oil Prices, Macroeconomic Factors and Policies Affect the Market for Renewable Energy? ' , Applied Energy , vol. 215 , pp. 87 - 97 . https://doi.org/10.1016/j.apenergy.2018.01.084
The aim of this study is to determine the nature of any relationship between renewable energy investment, oil prices, GDP and the interest rate, using a time series approach. We concentrate on three countries with different relationships with the renewable energy sector, with Norway and the UK being oil-exporters for most of the sample and the USA an importer. Following estimation using a VAR model, the results provide evidence of considerable heterogeneity across the countries, with the USA and Norway having a strong relationship between oil prices and renewable energy and the UK no relationship. These results reflect the fact that the USA is predominantly an oil-importer during most of this sample and supports renewable energy relatively less than the other countries, so changes to renewable energy investment reflect other factors in the market such as the price of substitutes to a greater extent than countries where renewable energy receives more government support. Similarly with Norway, where due to its market orientated approach, there is some evidence of the macroeconomy affecting the renewable energy market. The main policy implications from this study are that in countries where there is little support for the renewable energy sector, investment will be more dependent on macroeconomic aspects as well as substitutes such as oil, therefore the authorities will need to potentially increase financial support when oil prices are low or when the economy is in a downturn to ensure investment in RE continues at a constant level.
In: Caliandro , A 2018 , ' Digital Methods for Ethnography: Analytical Concepts for Ethnographers Exploring Social Media Environments ' , Journal of Contemporary Ethnography , vol. 47 , no. 5 , pp. 551-578 . https://doi.org/10.1177/0891241617702960
The aim of this article is to introduce some analytical concepts suitable for ethnographers dealing with social media environments. As a result of the growth of social media, the Internet structure has become a very complex, fluid, and fragmented space. Within this space, it is not always possible to consider the "classical" online community as the privileged field site for the ethnographer, in which s/he immerses him/herself. Differently, taking inspiration from some methodological principles of the Digital Methods paradigm, I suggest that the main task for the ethnographer moving across social media environments should not be exclusively that of identifying an online community to delve into but of mapping the practices through which Internet users and digital devices structure social formations around a focal object (e.g., a brand). In order to support the ethnographer in the mapping of social formations within social media environments, I propose five analytical concepts: community, public, crowd, self-presentation as a tool, and user as a device.
In: Allen , P & Cutts , D 2018 , ' An analysis of political ambition in Britain ' , Political Quarterly , vol. 89 , no. 1 , pp. 73-81 . https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-923X.12457
Representative democracies require sufficient numbers of citizens to put themselves forward as candidates for political office. Existing studies have shown that political institutions are not representative of the population as a whole, suggesting that political ambition is not evenly distributed across all potential candidates. We discuss evidence from the first systematic study of political ambition in Britain, examining the question of who is interested in putting themselves forward for political office. We find patterns in the distribution of political ambition that help to explain why British political institutions do not look like the British people as a whole and include a gender gap, a social class gap, an education gap, a north– south divide, and a personality gap. We discuss the implications of our findings for political parties, arguing that they need to adjust practices of candidate recruitment in such a way that minimises the effects of these biases.
In: Gleibs , I , Hendricks , K & Kurz , T 2018 , ' Identity Mediators: Leadership and identity construction in campaign speeches of American presidential candidates' spouses ' , Political Psychology , vol. 39 , no. 4 , pp. 939-956 . https://doi.org/10.1111/pops.12448
We explore the nature and evolution of the role of candidates' spouses in US presidential election campaigns through a lens of social psychological theorizing that sees leadership as emerging from activities of identity construction of leaders and followers. Our discursive analysis examines how aspiring First Lady speeches at party national conventions construct both their husbands and the particular national identity construction most presently politically relevant in a way that strategically aligns the two. Building on previous social identity work on leadership, we show how it is not only the leader or their followers who are active participants in leadership construction but that there may also be a role for 'third parties' who link prospective leaders with followers. We propose that, as 'entrepreneurs' of identity, leaders may use others as 'identity mediators' to co-construct and mediate both the leader's identity and the identity of those they seek to lead.
In: Lauder , H , Brown , P & Cheung , S Y 2018 , ' Fractures in the education-economy relationship : The end of the skill bias technological change research programme? ' , Oxford Review of Economic Policy , vol. 34 , no. 3 , pp. 495-515 . https://doi.org/10.1093/oxrep/gry008
This paper undertakes a critical theoretical and empirical analysis of the traditional approach to analysing the education-economy relationship: skill bias technological change theory. It argues that while leading skill bias theorists have sought to address some of the anomalies that the theory confronts, there remain key data patterns that the theory cannot address. We suggest an alternative account that takes a broader political economy perspective.
In: Chrysanthou , G M & Guilló , M D 2018 , ' The dynamics of political party support and egocentric economic evaluations : The Scottish case ' , European Journal of Political Economy , vol. 52 , pp. 192-213 . https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2017.06.003
We explore the dynamics of the Scottish National Party (SNP) support using the British Household Panel Survey (BHPS) during 1999–06. We study the relative importance of political sentiments and egocentric economic evaluations by disentangling the effects of state dependence and unobserved heterogeneity by gender. Egocentric economic evaluations constitute an important determinant of SNP support over the entire period, being this effect stronger among the male electorate. The results are consistent with the electors holding the incumbent Labour Party accountable for their personal financial situation, though financial security augments the nationalist propensity among partisan voters. Furthermore, retrospective economic evaluations form a significant determinant of incumbent Labour Party support in both the 1999–02 and 2003–06 intervening electoral cycles.
In: Papadopoulos , T & Roumpakis , A 2018 , ' Rattling Europe's ordoliberal 'iron cage': the contestation of austerity in Southern Europe ' , Critical Social Policy , vol. 38 , no. 3 , pp. 505–526 . https://doi.org/10.1177/0261018318766987
This article explains the popular revolt against austerity in Southern Europe as the outcome of profound politico-economic changes that are shaped by the transformation of the European Union's (EU's) macro-economic governance. It comprises three parts. The first part demonstrates how ordoliberalism – the Germanic variant of (neo)liberal economic thinking – was embedded in the EU's new macro-economic governance, in processes that constitutionalise austerity and remove democratic controls over the economy. The second part examines the impact of austerity-driven reforms on welfare and employment in the aftermath of the sovereign debt crisis. These reforms undermined the social reproduction of Southern Europe's familistic welfare model by destabilising three key pillars of social protection: employment security for households' primary earners; small property ownership; and pension adequacy. The third part analyses the emergence of anti-austerity social politics in Southern Europe, both parliamentary and grassroots, and assesses their effectiveness in light of the collapse of public trust in both EU and domestic political institutions. The article concludes with our reflections on the fragility of EU's integration process under the hegemony of ordoliberalism.
In: Sambanis , N , Germann , M & Schädel , A 2018 , ' SDM : A New Data Set on Self-determination Movements with an Application to the Reputational Theory of Conflict ' , Journal of Conflict Resolution , vol. 62 , no. 3 , pp. 656-686 . https://doi.org/10.1177/0022002717735364
This article presents a new data set on self-determination movements (SDMs) with universal coverage for the period from 1945 to 2012. The data set corrects the selection bias that characterizes previous efforts to code SDMs and significantly expands coverage relative to the extant literature. For a random sample of cases, we add information on state–movement interactions and several attributes of SDM groups. The data can be used to study the causes of SDMs, the escalation of self-determination (SD) conflicts over time, and several other theoretical arguments concerning separatist conflict that have previously been tested with incomplete or inferior data. We demonstrate the usefulness of the new data set by revisiting Barbara Walter's influential argument that governments will not accommodate SD challengers if they face several potential future challengers down the road because they want to build a reputation for strength. We do not find support for Walter's reputational theory of separatist conflict.
While Theresa May pledged that "the days of sending vast sums of money to the EU" are over, the UK is still very much under the illusion that the days of receiving large amounts of EU money in specific sectors are not. Hopes of an early deal allowing UK universities to remain among the highest beneficiaries of EU research funding programmes are vanishing quickly. The UK is holding on to its red lines – such as ending free movement and the jurisdiction of the European Court of Justice (ECJ) – and British officials are still publicly debating the possibility of the UK backtracking on the 'divorce bill' without securing a trade deal. With less than three months to go before both sides hope to achieve an agreement in October 2018, the government's recent White Paper offered a twofold opportunity: first, to set out its post-Brexit position for higher education and research; and, second, to present the outcome of two years of negotiations. While the White Paper embraced future collaboration with EU partners, it fell short of the second objective, lacking detail and remaining non-committal in terms of the partnership status the government seeks to obtain.