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The unemployment is an important issue for all other groups of society such as adults, women, people with disabilities, migrants and of course, the main goal is the fighting for this problem for the whole society. However, there is also a fact that the problem amongst young generation affects more deeply to the society's present and future. Furthermore, solving the unemployment problem of today's youth should be noted that this would mean to solve the employment problem of the adults of the future. Therefore, in this study, the phenomenon of the growing rates of unemployment especially amongst young people is drawn attention and the picture of youth unemployment in Europe will be explored. Generally, youth unemployment leads to several significant social and personal problems in the areas of physiological, psychological, economic due to that as the most efficient labour capacity, it remains idle, as it will be specified in detail in the study. The lack of homogeneous structure of youth unemployment and also, their very high mobility tend to be a problem with youth unemployment. Correspondingly young people are belonging to the different education, skills, psychological structure, it complicates the solution of the problem. This issue exists as well as almost in all parts of the world, such as both in developed and developing countries as a common problem. The result of this problem is a much more complex rather than it looks actually. For this reason, the changing rates of youth unemployment are calling for changes in policies and it raises some key issues that policy-makers will need to address. Different policies which are the reflection of the education systems, labour market institutions and socio-cultural characteristics of the EU countries have been evaluated by these Member States in the transition of young people from school to work. This can be carried out applying various policy recommendations in the different fields that are described in the current research study. In order to examine the youth unemployment driving factors and analyse their impact, empirical data was obtained for EU-15 countries as a whole. The statistical data was composed of the different variables, such as minimum wage, youth employment to population ratio, unemployment, poverty rate, GNI per capita, youth population. Then, when data analysis and review of academic literature finished, results and discussions were accomplished in the present paper. This also involved possible recommendations for a more effective development in the countries of EU.

An unexpected alarm about youth and gang related violence in Cape Verde increased during the last decades. Moreover, the International community has encouraged the government of Cape Verde to fight juvenile delinquency and urban violence. The government reacted with repressive and securitization policies towards the youth, contributing to the ineffectively of social inclusion programs. Moreover, as various accounts suggest, the Cape Verdean parties and the election dynamics manipulated the local community and youth organizations. Some studies underlined how this dynamics influenced youth and child participation. A grassroots NGO born in 2010 in the capital city of Praia, led by António Mascarenhas Monteiro, promoted a primary violence prevention intervention named Simenti. Currently, a group of young leaders (with a background of ex-offenders) collectively manage the NGO. This group founded the Pilorinhu a cultural center in a low-income neighborhood, situated in an occupied building previously unutilized and the Korrenti di Ativiztaz, a social movement inspired by the pan-African legacy of Amìlcar Cabral, a national hero of anticolonial struggle. ; open

The present study offers an overview of the policies and programs established by the European Union in the youth field, with a focus on non-formal learning initiatives and in particular on the European Voluntary Service program (EVS).

The wave of protests that, starting from the end of 2010, hit some countries in the Middle- East North-Africa region, leading to the fall of long-standing autocratic regimes and referred to as the Arab Spring, has renewed the interests of researchers on youth bulges. The youth bulge theory links the demographic transition to political instability, by asserting that countries characterized by a particularly young population tend to be more vulnerable to political violence. The aim of the thesis is to test empirically this hypothesis on a sample of 160 countries in the post-World War II period. For this purpose, we adopt an econometric strategy alternative to the one prevailing in the literature on the determinants of civil conflicts: we employ a simple linear regression model which accounts for country and time fixed effects.

An instrument of political socialization of the younger generations and a privileged access channel to the ranks of the Chinese Communist Party, the Communist Youth League has partnered up with the Party in the various phases of its history, acting as a bridge between the Party and young people and carrying out important support functions for party policies. Despite having been going through a phase of decline for some years, the Youth League remains, to this day, an essential component of the Chinese political and institutional system. The economic reforms impacted on this organization which, while remaining structurally dependent on the Party, has seen an expansion of its traditional role, in order to be more attractive to its constituency, and at the same time maintain its function as a link and guide for the Chinese youth. Since the early Nineties, institutional adaptation and innovation have undoubtedly been significant. This contribution aims to provide an analysis of the functioning of the Youth League in the People's Republic of China and to outline the evolution of official youth work since the Tian'anmen crackdown, taking into consideration the main official documents. Particular attention will be paid to the adaptation process that has been initiated in order to reconcile its twofold identity as Party assistant and youth organization and strengthen the link with the new generations. This article will show that the transition of the focus of the League's work towards social services, while attempting to address newly emerged needs and problems affecting young people, has been primarily understood as a way to socialize them in the official political discourse and practices and maintain the stability of the system in a context of changing State-society relations. ; Strumento di socializzazione politica delle giovani generazioni e canale di accesso privilegiato alle fila del Partito comunista cinese, la Lega giovanile comunista ha affiancato il Partito nelle varie fasi della sua storia, fungendo da ponte tra il Partito e i giovani e svolgendo importanti funzioni di supporto alle politiche di partito. Pur attraversando da alcuni anni una fase di declino, la Lega rimane, ad oggi, una componente essenziale del sistema politico e istituzionale cinese. Le riforme economiche hanno inciso su questa organizzazione che, pur rimanendo strutturalmente dipendente dal Partito, ha visto ampliare il suo ruolo tradizionale, per essere più attraente per il suo elettorato, e allo stesso tempo mantenere la sua funzione di anello di congiunzione e guida per la gioventù cinese. Sin dai primi anni Novanta, l'adeguamento istituzionale e l'innovazione sono stati indubbiamente significativi. Questo contributo si propone di fornire un'analisi del funzionamento della Lega giovanile comunista nella Repubblica popolare cinese e di delineare l'evoluzione del lavoro giovanile ufficiale dopo la repressione di Tian'anmen, prendendo in considerazione i principali documenti ufficiali. Particolare attenzione sarà dedicata al processo di adattamento avviato per conciliare la sua duplice identità di assistente del Partito e di organizzazione giovanile e rafforzare il legame con le nuove generazioni. Questo articolo mostrerà che il passaggio del focus del lavoro della Lega verso i servizi sociali, nel tentativo di affrontare i bisogni e i problemi emersi di recente che colpiscono i giovani, è stato inteso principalmente come un modo per socializzare i giovani nel discorso e nelle pratiche politiche ufficiali e mantenere la stabilità del sistema in un contesto di mutate relazioni Stato-società.

La tesi tematizza come proprio oggetto di indagine i percorsi di partecipazione politica e civica dei giovani nei contesti di transizione alla vita adulta, concentrandosi sull'influenza delle relazioni tra generazioni su tali espressioni di coinvolgimento. L'approfondimento empirico consiste in una ricerca qualitativa condotta presso il quartiere Navile di Bologna nel 2012. Basandosi sull'approccio metodologico della grounded theory, essa ha coinvolto un campione di giovani e un campione di adulti per loro significativi attraverso interviste semistrutturate. Dall'analisi emerge una rilevante disaffezione giovanile nei confronti della politica che, tuttavia, non traduce in un rifiuto del coinvolgimento, ma in una "partecipazione con riserva" espressa attraverso atteggiamenti tutt'altro che passivi nei confronti della politica formale - basati sulla logica della riforma, della resistenza o della ribellione - e mediante un forte investimento in attività partecipative non convenzionali (associazionismo e coinvolgimento). A fare da sfondo all'interesse partecipativo dei giovani si colloca una lettura negativa della propria condizione presente ed un conseguente conflitto intergenerazionale piuttosto manifesto, che si riflette sulle stesse modalità di attivazione. La politica, nelle sue espressioni più strettamente formali, viene interpretata come un 'territorio adulto', gestito secondo logiche che lasciano poco spazio ai giovani i quali, per tale ragione, scelgono di attivarsi secondo modalità alternative in cui il confronto con l'altro, quando presente, avviene prevalentemente tra pari o su basi avvertite come più paritarie. Il distanziamento dei giovani dalla politica formale riflette quindi una parallela presa di distanza dagli adulti, i quali risultano smarriti nello svolgimento delle loro funzioni di modello e di riconoscimento. La loro ambivalenza rispetto ai giovani - ossia il continuo oscillare tra il profondo pessimismo e il cieco ottimismo, tra la guida direttiva e la deresponsabilizzazione - si traduce in un riconoscimento parziale delle reali potenzialità ed esigenze dei giovani come cittadini ed adulti emergenti. ; The thesis investigates youth paths of political and civic participation in the context of transitions to adulthood and focuses on the influence intergenerational relationships has on youth engagement. The empirical study consists of a qualitative research conducted in Bologna in 2012. Based on a grounded theory methodological approach, it involved a sample of young people and a sample of 'significant adults' through semi-structured interviews. The analysis shows a relevant disaffection towards politics among the youth which, however, does not lead to political and civic disengagement, but to a "conditional participation" expressed through proactive attitudes towards formal politics - based on a reform, resistance or rebellion logic- and through a deep investment in non-conventional activities. A negative interpretation of their present condition and a consequent intergenerational conflict are placed on the background of this type of involvement. Politics, in its most strictly formal expressions, is seen as an 'adult area' managed according to a logic that leaves little room to young people, who consequently choose to participate through alternative ways of activation where adult presence and power are perceived as weaker. Therefore, the young demographics' departure from formal politics reflects a parallel distancing dynamic from adults, who appear unable to adequately perform their functions of model and recognition. Their ambivalence toward young people - that is, the constant fluctuation between pessimism and optimism, between oppressive guidance and lack of responsibility - results in a partial recognition of the real potential and needs of young people as citizens and emerging adults.

- ; Electoral turnout figures reveal that in recent years young voters have shown a strong disaffection with politics, which could be explained by the increasing lack of communication between them and the political class. By examining some strate­gies adopted by German politicians to approach young people and by addressing the characteristics of young people's language, the paper will first focus on an interview with Angela Merkel by woman YouTuber Ischtar Isik. To ascertain whether the language used in the interview by this young influencer truly represents her usual way of speaking, a second document will be analysed, in which Ischtar, this time as interviewee, deals with general topics. Conclusions will be drawn based on the data resulting from the comparison between the two interviews. ; -

Nowadays Italian youth can be considered heterogeneous concerning somatictraits, color of the skin, spoken languages at home and the religionorientation. Some of them were born abroad, outside national borders, andsome, although they were born on the national territory, are not yet Italiancitizens. But then the question arises: who are they? These are the so-calledsecond generations, or the children of those migrants, who since the mid-70s have considered Italy as a country that could offer a future for them andtheir children. The topic of second generations is central in political debates,both at European and national level, regarding citizenship, integration, socialinclusion; but not only, scholars, engaged in migration studies both in Europeand America, began to focus their research on second generations.Overseas the research started since the time of the Chicago School, investigatingon children of European migrants. In Europe and, above all, in Italy,where the migration phenomenon is relatively recent, research on secondgenerations started only in the 90s. This paper aims to illustrate a researchconducted in South Tyrol in 2019 investigating identity and desires of second-generation girls with Albanian origins. Peculiar is the environment inwhich these girls were born and raised, South Tyrol, a border land inhabitedby three different linguistic groups with their own ethnic identities. ; I ragazzi italiani di oggi sono eterogenei dai tratti somatici al colore dellapelle, alla lingua parlata in casa e alla religione praticata. Alcuni sono nati all'estero,fuori dai confini nazionali, e taluni pur essendo nati sul territorionazionale non sono ancora cittadini italiani. Ma allora sorge spontanea ladomanda: chi sono? Si tratta delle cosiddette seconde generazioni, ovvero ifigli di quei migranti, che dalla metà degli anni '70, hanno visto nell'Italia unpaese che poteva dare futuro a loro e ai loro figli. Il tema delle seconde generazioniè centrale in dibattiti politici, sia europei che nazionali, per quantoriguarda ...