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Lasting over 120 years, the Arab-Israeli conflict involves divergent narratives about history, national identities, land ownership, injustices and victimhood. Domestic forces and actors as well as international and regional dynamics have ensured the conflict's durability. A distinguished team of authors comprising an Israeli, a Palestinian and an Egyptian present a broader Arab perspective in this innovative textbook that offers a balanced and nuanced introduction to a highly contentious subject. Providing an overview of key developments in the history of the conflict, it explores attempts at resolution, before going on to portray the perspectives of the important parties. It places the events of the conflict within a regional and international context, providing an invaluable insight into the opposing narratives behind the conflict. The much-anticipated second edition of Arabs and Israelis includes: up-to-date coverage of key developments since the Arab Awakening, including the shifting pattern in relations from Obama to Trump, the Abraham Accords, the fall of Netanyahu and the resurgence of the war in early 2021; brand new 'Key Developments', 'Key Documents' and 'Key Figures' feature boxes to help students zoom in on landmark events, policies and actors throughout history; detailed full colour maps, timelines and photos to visually complement the text; a rich companion website including interactive timelines and maps, discussion questions, chapter summaries and more. A comprehensive and engaging account of the Arab-Israeli conflict, it is the ideal companion for students at undergraduate and postgraduate level taking History, Politics and Middle Eastern Studies degrees.

NATO and the Greater Maghreb offers a distinctive focus and study of NATO's future policy in North Africa and the Sahel after the new 2022 Strategic Concept, expected to be published during the next NATO Summit in Madrid. The book will use three main axes to frame the contributors' analysis, which are not usually used together for analyzing NATO policy: Geopolitics, Great Power Competition, and Threats. These lenses create a distinctive approach to reviewing a Greater Mahgreb Regional Security Complex confronted with the necessities of a distinctive approach by NATO. The idea of MENA (Middle East and North Africa), still used by the EU and NATO is already obsolete for several reasons: first, it is no more possible to split West Africa geopolitically from North Africa and Sahel. Second, the action of terrorist groups such as Al Qaida in the Islamic Maghreb, ISIS, and Boko Haram are not related to Middle East problems, nor strategies and policies necessaries to tackle them. Second, the difficulties in cooperation between these countries, the corruption fed by organized crime (above all cocaine trafficking) and the impact of desertization, makes it very difficult to establish sound strategies and policies for the area. Third, there is an increasing presence of Great Powers in the area, including Russia and China, Turkey, and some Gulf states with different goals and policies.

Can religion help societies achieve peace and stability? What actions can religious leaders take to facilitate conflict resolution? This book addresses these critical questions in terms of numerous contemporary conflicts within and between countries. In the aftermath of the 9/11 attacks, public attention to religion shifted away from its relationship to politics and toward its connection to violence in civil conflicts, wars, and terrorism. Religion's role in sowing discord became more prominent than its ability to unify. Only recently have discussions turned toward the positive impact of religion and spirituality in the public sphere and to the role of faith in resolving diplomatic, political, and social problems. The essays in this book contribute to this discourse by examining past, present, and future opportunities to promote peace through religion and spirituality. The contributors to this volume explore topics such as humanitarianism, philosophy, counterextremism, human rights, rituals, populism, foreign policy, and environmentalism. Some of the chapters approach these topics from a transnational perspective, while others focus on specific countries in Africa, Asia, Europe, Latin America, and the Middle East.

"This book critically examines and analyses the active role played by youth-led social movements in pushing for change and promoting peacebuilding in Africa, and their long-term impacts on society. Africa's history is characterised by youth movements. The continent's youth populations played pivotal roles in the campaign against colonialism, and ever since independence, Africa's youth have been at the center of social mobilisation. Most recently, social media has contributed significantly to a further rise in youth-led social movements. However, the impact of youth voices is often marginalised by patriarchal and gerontocratic approaches to governance, denying them the place, voice, and recognition that they deserve. Drawing on empirical evidence from across the continent, this book analyses the drivers and long-term impacts of youth-led social movements on politics in African societies, especially in the area of peacebuilding. The book draws attention to the innovative ways in which young people continue to seek to re-engineer social space and challenge contexts that deny them their voice, place, recognition and identity. This book will be of interest to researchers across the fields of social movement studies, youth studies, peace and conflict studies, history, political sciences, social justice, and African studies"--

Most peace operations (60%) were deployed in conflicts in which other international organizations' peace operations were active at the same time. Multiple simultaneous peace operations increased from around 10% of all peace operations in 1992 to almost 60% of all peace operations. The author defines two or more peace operations deployed by international organizations at the same time, in the same conflicts as multiple simultaneous peace operations (MSPOs). We have little understanding of why we observe international organizations (IOs) deployed at the same time, in the same conflicts, and increasingly cooperating with each other to address these conflicts. This book asks the question: What factors determine cooperation between international organizations in peace operations? The author tests several rational and social constructivist explanations introducing an innovative collective principals-multiple agents framework. There are three rational-interest explanations for inter-organizational cooperation tested (resources, complementarity, and conflict complexity) and three social-constructivist explanations (social learning, security cultures similarity, and personnel nationality similarity). The research design is a multi-method approach, using statistical analysis from the author's new datasets on multiple simultaneous peace operations, data from interviews with EU officials, and case studies. There are two stages for the initiation of inter-organizational cooperation: the member-states' acquiescence and the international organizations' cooperation. At the first stage of cooperation, member-states are acquiescent to inter-organizational cooperation. At the second stage, the findings show that international organizations cooperate because they want to share the financial and human resources costs, and second, because they want to complement each other's work.

This book focuses on how Indigenous knowledge and methodologies can contribute towards the decolonisation of peace and conflict studies (PACS). It shows how Indigenous knowledge is essential to ensure that PACS research is relevant, respectful, accurate, and non-exploitative of Indigenous Peoples, in an effort to reposition Indigenous perspectives and contexts through Indigenous experiences, voices, and research processes, to provide balance to the power structures within this discipline. It includes critiques of ethnocentrism within PACS scholarship, and how both research areas can be brought together to challenge the violence of colonialism, and the colonialism of the institutions and structures within which decolonising researchers are working. Contributions in the book cover Indigenous research in Aotearoa, Australia, The Caribbean, Hawai'i, Israel, Mexico, Nigeria, Palestine, Philippines, Samoa, USA, and West Papua. Dr. Kelli Te Maihāroa (Waitaha, Ngāti Rārua, Te Ātiawa) has held leadership roles at the Otago Polytechnic as Tumuaki: Rakahau Māori / Director of Māori Research and Kaihautū: Te Kāhui Whetū Lead / Capable Māori, working with Iwi Māori throughout Aotearoa, New Zealand. She is an active member within her whānau, Iwi and local Māori community. She is a mokopuna of Te Maihāroa, the last southern Māori prophet and tohuka (expert tribal specialist). Dr. Michael Fusi Ligaliga is a lecturer and researcher in the School of Māori and Pacific Indigenous Studies at the University of Otago in Dunedin, Aotearoa, New Zealand. He teaches Pacific Island issues, indigenous leadership and peace and conflict in the Pacific. He has acted as Interim Director of the David O. McKay Centre for Intercultural Understanding at Brightham Young University Hawai'i. Dr. Heather Devere is Director of Practice at the Te Ao o Rongomaraeroa/The National Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies, University of Otago in Aotearoa, New Zealand. She has written widely on issues related to the politics of friendship, Indigenous peace traditions and peacebuilding, peace journalism, restorative justice, and social justice. She is Secretary of Parihaka Network: Ngā Manu Korihi, involved in community mediation, refugee settlement, human rights, and social justice issues.

Wer Frieden verstehen will, muss auch Konflikte erforschen. Die Beiträge des Sammelbandes widmen sich theoretischen Positionen und Anwendungsfeldern sozialwissenschaftlicher Konfliktforschung sowie der kritischen Selbstreflexion der deutschsprachigen Friedens- und Konfliktforschung in Forschung und Lehre. Der Band richtet sich an Forschende, Lehrende und Studierende der Friedens- und Konfliktforschung, der Soziologie und Politikwissenschaft. Mit Beiträgen von Andreas Bock, Jule Bode, Stefan Böschen, Thorsten Bonacker, Claudia Brunner, Wolfgang Dietrich, Rebecca Gulowski, Sabine Jaberg, Christian Kaunert, Thomas Nielebock, Christina Pauls, Charlotte Rungius, Stephan Stetter, Nicki K. Weber, Ori Wertmann und Michaela Zöhrer.

Der Erste Weltkrieg brachte soziale, politische und nationale Veränderungen mit sich, die zum Zusammenbruch der bestehenden multinationalen Monarchien (Russland, Österreich-Ungarn und Deutschland) führten. Dies bewirkte die Umgestaltung der politischen Landkarte Ost- und Mitteleuropas. Am Beispiel ausgewählter Nationen – Polen, Ukraine, Belarus, Litauen und Lettland – besprechen die Autor:innen verschiedene Aspekte der staatlichen Neuordnung Ost- und Zentraleuropas. Sie behandeln unter anderem Fragen zu Konzepten von Grenzen, zur Bildung konkurrierender politischer Zentren, zu diplomatischen Bemühungen auf internationaler Ebene, zum militärischen Kampf um die Grenzen, zu den Rollen Frankreichs, Großbritanniens, Sowjetrusslands sowie Polens bei der Schaffung eines neuen Machtgleichgewichts in der Region und zu den Bestimmungen der Konferenzen von Versailles und Riga. The First World War brought about social, political and national changes leading to the collapse of existing multinational monarchies (Russia, Austria-Hungary and Germany). This caused the reshaping of the political map of Eastern and Central Europe. Based on the example of a few selected nations – Poland, Ukraine, Belarus, Lithuania and Latvia – the authors discuss various aspects of the state reorganisation of Eastern and Central Europe. Such issues included the concept of borders, the formation of competing political centres, diplomatic efforts on the international arena, armed combat over borders, the role of France, Great Britain, Soviet Russia as well as Poland in creating a new balance of power in the region, and the provisions of the Versailles and Riga conferences.

Introduction: the Colombian condition -- Narco-stories globalized: Pablo Escobar and excess consumption -- The Ingrid Betancourt story: memory in the times of mass media -- The travelogue boom: dark exoticism for global consumption -- Affective visuality: the cinema of conflict and reconciliation -- Epilogue: post-conflict Colombia?

This book illustrates the multiple roles of textbooks as victim, transformer, and accomplice to conflict by introducing the Intersecting Roles of Education in Conflict (IREC) framework for use in the research, development, production, distribution, and dissemination of textbooks and learning materials. The framework illustrates these three potentially overlapping roles by mapping the complex educational contexts of conflict-affected societies and considering how textbooks, learning materials, and education systems more broadly may simultaneously operate within these various roles. Country case studies from Asia, Europe, Africa, and the Middle East are used to analyze primary and secondary school textbook development, content, and application from a variety of approaches that articulate conflict as protracted and/or socio-political violence. The breadth of case studies shows how conflict discourse circulates in educational systems and materials in a wide range of contexts, indicating that the complexity of the relationship between textbooks and conflict is not unique to one culture, geographic region, or type of conflict.

AI is revolutionizing the world. Here's how democracies can come out on top. Artificial intelligence is revolutionizing the modern world. It is ubiquitous—in our homes and offices, in the present and most certainly in the future. Today, we encounter AI as our distant ancestors once encountered fire. If we manage AI well, it will become a force for good, lighting the way to many transformative inventions. If we deploy it thoughtlessly, it will advance beyond our control. If we wield it for destruction, it will fan the flames of a new kind of war, one that holds democracy in the balance. As AI policy experts Ben Buchanan and Andrew Imbrie show in The New Fire, few choices are more urgent—or more fascinating—than how we harness this technology and for what purpose. The new fire has three sparks: data, algorithms, and computing power. These components fuel viral disinformation campaigns, new hacking tools, and military weapons that once seemed like science fiction. To autocrats, AI offers the prospect of centralized control at home and asymmetric advantages in combat. It is easy to assume that democracies, bound by ethical constraints and disjointed in their approach, will be unable to keep up. But such a dystopia is hardly preordained. Combining an incisive understanding of technology with shrewd geopolitical analysis, Buchanan and Imbrie show how AI can work for democracy. With the right approach, technology need not favor tyranny.