Suchergebnisse

Review.

Soeharto era concern about corruption was deflected by the establishment of toothless anti-corruption committees, and by suppression of anti-corruption activism and media comment. With Soeharto's demise, activists began to publicise their concerns more openly - at first speaking in general terms, but later making increasingly specific allegations. The sporadic activism of the Soeharto years was consolidated, first through cooperative action among similarly motivated informal groups, and later through establishment of formal civil society organisations (CSOs) intent on rolling back corruption. The CSOs have played a key role in pushing for newlaws and institutions to help eradicate corruption, and many corrupt officials have been imprisoned. This paper finds little evidence, however, that corruption has declined significantly. It argues that further progress depends on CSOs gaining a better understanding of the underlying causes of corruption, and that these are to be found in public sector personnel management practices.

Altres ajuts: TF094688 ; In recent years, the Civil Society Education Fund has supported national education civil society coalitions (NECs) in low-income countries so that they put pressure on governments and donors to implement the Education for All agenda and the Millennium Development Goal on education. This article draws on literature on global governance as well as on an extensive evaluation of the CSEF to explore the actual contribution of this initiative to the activity of NECs. The article highlights the achievements and shortcomings of the CSEF and includes a set of practical recommendations on the role of global civil society in international development processes. ; Ces dernières années, le Fonds de la société civile pour l'éducation (FSCE) a soutenu les coalitions nationales de la société civile pour l'éducation (CNE) dans les pays à faibles revenus, afin qu'elles fassent pression sur les gouvernements et les donateurs pour qu'ils mettent en œuvre l'initiative Éducation pour tous et l'objectif du millénaire pour le développement concernant l'éducation. Cet article utilise la littérature sur la gouvernance globale, de même qu'une évaluation approfondie du FSCE pour examiner la contribution réelle de cette initiative à l'activité des CNE. Il met l'accent sur les réalisations et les défauts du FSCE et propose un ensemble de recommandations pratiques en rapport avec le rôle de la société civile mondiale sur les processus de développement international. ; Durante los últimos años, el Fondo de la Sociedad Civil para la Educación (fsce) ha otorgado apoyos en varios países de bajos ingresos; los mismos son destinados a las coaliciones de la sociedad civil para la educación nacional (cen) y su propósito es que estas presionen a gobiernos y donantes para que implementen la agenda "Educación para todos" y el Objetivo de Desarrollo del Milenio concerniente a la educación. Partiendo de la literatura existente sobre gobernanza global y de una profunda evaluación del fsce, el presente artículo examina la ...

In Between War and the State, Van Nguyen-Marshall examines an array of voluntary activities, including mutual-help, professional, charitable, community development, student, women's, and rights organizations active in South Vietnam from 1954–1975. By bringing focus to the public lives of South Vietnamese people, Between War and the State challenges persistent stereotypes of South Vietnam as a place without society or agency. Such robust associational life underscores how an active civil society survived despite difficulties imposed by the war, government restrictions, economic hardship, and external political forces. These competing political forces, which included the United States, Western aid agencies, and Vietnamese communist agents, created a highly competitive arena wherein the South Vietnamese state did not have a monopoly on persuasive or coercive power. To maintain its influence, the state sometimes needed to accommodate groups and limit its use of violence. Civil society participants in South Vietnam leveraged their social connections, made alliances, appealed to the domestic and international public, and used street protests to voice their concerns, secure their interests and carry out their activities