Suchergebnisse

On a picturesque beach in central Gaza, a mile north of the now-flattened Al-Shati refugee camp, long black pipes snake through hills of white sand before disappearing underground. An image released by the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) shows dozens of soldiers laying pipelines and what appear to be mobile pumping stations that are to take water from the Mediterranean Sea and hose it into underground tunnels. The plan, according to various reports, is to flood the vast network of underground shafts and tunnels Hamas has reportedly built and used to carry out its operations. "I won't talk about specifics, but they include explosives to destroy and other means to prevent Hamas operatives from using the tunnels to harm our soldiers," said IDF Chief of Staff Lieutenant General Herzi Halevi. "[Any] means which give us an advantage over the enemy that [uses the tunnels], deprives it of this asset, is a means that we are evaluating using. This is a good idea…"While Israel is already test-running its flood strategy, it's not the first time Hamas's tunnels have been subjected to sabotage by seawater. In 2013, neighboring Egypt began flooding Hamas-controlled tunnels that were allegedly being used to smuggle goods between the country's Sinai Peninsula and the Gaza Strip. For more than two years, water from the Mediterranean was flushed into the tunnel system, wreaking havoc on Gaza's environment. Groundwater supplies were quickly polluted with salt brine and, as a result, the dirt became saturated and unstable, causing the ground to collapse and killing numerous people. Once fertile agricultural fields were transformed into salinated pits of mud, and clean drinking water, already in short supply in Gaza, was further degraded.Israel's current strategy to drown Hamas's tunnels will no doubt cause similar, irreparable damage. "It is important to keep in mind," warns Juliane Schillinger, a researcher at the University of Twente in the Netherlands, "that we are not just talking about water with a high salt content here — seawater along the Mediterranean coast is also polluted with untreated wastewater, which is continuously discharged into the Mediterranean from Gaza's dysfunctional sewage system."This, of course, appears to be part of a broader Israeli objective — not just to dismantle Hamas's military capabilities but to further degrade and destroy Gaza's imperiled aquifers (already polluted with sewage that's leaked from dilapidated pipes). Israeli officials have openly admitted their goal is to ensure that Gaza will be an unlivable place once they end their merciless military campaign."We are fighting human animals, and we are acting accordingly," Defense Minister Yoav Gallant said shortly after the Hamas attack of October 7th. "We will eliminate everything — they will regret it."And Israel is now keeping its promise.As if its indiscriminate bombing, which has already damaged or destroyed up to 70% of all homes in Gaza, weren't enough, filling those tunnels with polluted water will ensure that some of the remaining residential buildings will suffer structural problems, too. And if the ground is weak and insecure, Palestinians will have trouble rebuilding.Flooding tunnels with polluted groundwater "will cause an accumulation of salt and the collapse of the soil, leading to the demolition of thousands of Palestinian homes in the densely populated strip," says Abdel-Rahman al-Tamimi, director of the Palestinian Hydrologists Group, the largest NGO monitoring pollution in the Palestinian territories. His conclusion couldn't be more stunning: "The Gaza Strip will become a depopulated area, and it will take about 100 years to get rid of the environmental effects of this war."In other words, as al-Tamimi points out, Israel is now "killing the environment." And in many ways, it all started with the destruction of Palestine's lush olive groves.Olives No MoreDuring an average year, Gaza once produced more than 5,000 tons of olive oil from more than 40,000 trees. The fall harvest in October and November was long a celebratory season for thousands of Palestinians. Families and friends sang, shared meals, and gathered in the groves to celebrate under ancient trees, which symbolized "peace, hope, and sustenance." It was an important tradition, a deep connection both to the land and to a vital economic resource. Last year, olive crops accounted for more than 10% of the Gazan economy, a total of $30 million.Of course, since October 7th, harvesting has ceased. Israel's scorched earth tactics have instead ensured the destruction of countless olive groves. Satellite images released in early December affirm that 22% of Gaza's agricultural land, including countless olive orchards, has been completely destroyed."We are heartbroken over our crops, which we cannot reach," explains Ahmed Qudeih, a farmer from Khuza, a town in the Southern Gaza Strip. "We can't irrigate or observe our land or take care of it. After every devastating war, we pay thousands of shekels to ensure the quality of our crops and to make our soil suitable again for agriculture."Israel's relentless military thrashing of Gaza has taken an unfathomable toll on human life (more than 22,000 dead, including significant numbers of women and children, and thousands more bodies believed to be buried under the rubble and so uncountable). And consider this latest round of horror just a particularly grim continuation of a 75-year campaign to eviscerate the Palestinian cultural heritage. Since 1967, Israel has uprooted more than 800,000 native Palestinian olive trees, sometimes to make way for new illegal Jewish settlements in the West Bank; in other instances, out of alleged security concerns, or from pure, visceral Zionist rage.Wild groves of olive trees have been harvested by inhabitants of the region for thousands of years, dating back to the Chalcolithic period in the Levant (4,300-3,300 BCE), and the razing of such groves has had calamitous environmental consequences. "[The] removal of trees is directly linked to irreversible climate change, soil erosion, and a reduction in crops," according to a 2023 Yale Review of International Studies report. "The perennial, woody bark acts as a carbon sink … [an] olive tree absorbs 11 kg of CO2 per liter of olive oil produced."Besides providing a harvestable crop and cultural value, olive groves are vital to Palestine's ecosystem. Numerous bird species, including the Eurasian Jay, Green Finch, Hooded Crow, Masked Shrike, Palestine Sunbird, and Sardinian Warbler rely on the biodiversity provided by Palestine's wild trees, six species of which are often found in native olive groves: the Aleppo pine, almond, olive, Palestine buckhorn, piny hawthorne, and fig.As Simon Awad and Omar Attum wrote in a 2017 issue of the Jordan Journal of Natural History:"[Olive] groves in Palestine could be considered cultural landscapes or be designated as globally important agricultural systems because of the combination of their biodiversity, cultural, and economic values. The biodiversity value of historic olive groves has been recognized in other parts of the Mediterranean, with some proposing these areas should receive protection because they are habitat used by some rare and threatened species and are important in maintaining regional biodiversity."An ancient, native olive tree should be considered a testament to the very existence of Palestinians and their struggle for freedom. With its thick spiraling trunk, the olive tree stands as a cautionary tale to Israel, not because of the fruit it bears, but because of the stories its roots hold of a scarred landscape and a battered people that have been callously and relentlessly besieged for more than 75 years.White Phosphorus and Bombs, Bombs, and More BombsWhile contaminating aquifers and uprooting olive groves, Israel is now also poisoning Gaza from above. Numerous videos analyzed by Amnesty International and confirmed by the Washington Post display footage of flares and plumes of white phosphorus raining down on densely populated urban areas. First used on World War I battlefields to provide cover for troop movements, white phosphorus is known to be toxic and dangerous to human health. Dropping it on urban environments is now considered illegal under international law, and Gaza is one of the most densely populated places on earth. "Any time that white phosphorus is used in crowded civilian areas, it poses a high risk of excruciating burns and lifelong suffering," says Lama Fakih, director for the Middle East and North Africa at Human Rights Watch (HRW).While white phosphorus is highly toxic to humans, significant concentrations of it also have deleterious effects on plants and animals. It can disrupt soil composition, making it too acidic to grow crops. And that's just one part of the mountain of munitions Israel has fired at Gaza over the past three months. The war (if you can call such an asymmetrical assault a "war") has been the deadliest and most destructive in recent memory, by some estimates at least as bad as the Allied bombing of Germany during World War II, which annihilated 60 German cities and killed an estimated half-million people.Like the Allied forces of World War II, Israel is killing indiscriminately. Of the 29,000 air-to-surface munitions fired, 40% have been unguided bombs dropped on crowded residential areas. The U.N. estimates that, as of late December, 70% of all schools in Gaza, many of which served as shelters for Palestinians fleeing Israel's onslaught, had been severely damaged. Hundreds of mosques and churches have also been struck and 70% of Gaza's 36 hospitals have been hit and are no longer functioning.A War That Exceeds All Predictions"Gaza is one of the most intense civilian punishment campaigns in history," claims Robert Pape, a historian at the University of Chicago. "It now sits comfortably in the top quartile of the most devastating bombing campaigns ever."It's still difficult to grasp the toll being inflicted, day by day, week by week, not just on Gaza's infrastructure and civilian life but on its environment as well. Each building that explodes leaves a lingering cloud of toxic dust and climate-warming vapors. "In conflict-affected areas, the detonation of explosives can release significant amounts of greenhouse gases, including carbon dioxide, carbon monoxide, nitrogen oxides, and particulate matter," says Dr. Erum Zahir, a chemistry professor at the University of Karachi.Dust from the collapsed World Trade Center towers on 9/11 ravaged first responders. A 2020 study found that rescuers were "41 percent more likely to develop leukemia than other individuals." Some 10,000 New Yorkers suffered short-term health ailments following the attack, and it took a year for air quality in Lower Manhattan to return to pre-9/11 levels.While it's impossible to analyze all of the impacts of Israel's nonstop bombing, it's safe to assume that the ongoing leveling of Gaza will have far worse effects than 9/11 had on New York City. Nasreen Tamimi, head of the Palestinian Environmental Quality Authority, believes that an environmental assessment of Gaza now would "exceed all predictions."Central to the dilemma that faced Palestinians in Gaza, even before October 7th, was access to clean drinking water and it's only been horrifically exacerbated by Israel's nonstop bombardment. A 2019 report by UNICEF noted that "96 percent of water from Gaza's sole aquifer is unfit for human consumption."Intermittent electricity, a direct result of Israel's blockade, has also damaged Gaza's sanitation facilities, leading to increased groundwater contamination, which has, in turn, led to various infections and massive outbreaks of preventable waterborne diseases. According to HRW, Israel is using a lack of food and drinking water as a tool of warfare, which many international observers argue is a form of collective punishment — a war crime of the first order. Israeli forces have intentionally destroyed farmland and bombed water and sanitation facilities in what certainly seems like an effort to make Gaza all too literally unlivable."I have to walk three kilometers to get one gallon [of water]," 30-year-old Marwan told HRW. Along with hundreds of thousands of other Gazans, Marwan fled to the south with his pregnant wife and two children in early November. "And there is no food. If we are able to find food, it is canned food. Not all of us are eating well."In the south of Gaza, near the overcrowded city of Khan Younis, raw sewage flows through the streets as sanitation services have ceased operation. In the southern town of Rafah, where so many Gazans have fled, conditions are beyond dire. Makeshift U.N. hospitals are overwhelmed, food and water are in short supply, and starvation is significantly on the rise. In late December, the World Health Organization (WHO) documented more than 100,000 cases of diarrhea and 150,000 respiratory infections in a Gazan population of about 2.3 million. And those numbers are likely massive undercounts and will undoubtedly increase as Israel's offensive drags on, having already displaced 1.9 million people, or more than 85% of the population, half of whom are now facing starvation, according to the U.N."For over two months, Israel has been depriving Gaza's population of food and water, a policy spurred on or endorsed by high-ranking Israeli officials and reflecting an intent to starve civilians as a method of warfare," reports Omar Shakir of Human Rights Watch.Rarely, if ever, have the perpetrators of mass murder (reportedly now afraid of South Africa's filing at the International Court of Justice in the Hague, accusing Israel of genocide) so plainly laid out their cruel intentions. As Israeli President Isaac Herzog put it in a callous attempt to justify the atrocities now being faced by Palestinian civilians, "It's an entire nation out there that is responsible [for October 7th]. This rhetoric about civilians not aware, not involved, it's absolutely not true. They could've risen up, they could have fought against that evil regime."The violence inflicted on Palestinians by an Israel backed so strikingly by President Biden and his foreign policy team is unlike anything we had previously witnessed in more or less real-time in the media and on social media. Gaza, its people, and the lands that have sustained them for centuries are being desecrated and transformed into an all too unlivable hellscape, the impact of which will be felt — it's a guarantee — for generations to come.This article has been republished with permission from TomDispatch.

The study on vocational training policy and employment in Haiti focuses on the tourism industry taking into account the strengths and geographic position. Join in the tradition of human capital theory of Becker G. and linking the issues of training and low level of development, the work explores the main brake material and immaterial acts negatively on the tourism sector and subsequently the country's socioeconomic development. Adopting an approach based on systems analysis of Mélèze J. supplemented by the analysis Strategic Crozier M. and Friedberg E., the study highlights the challenges that the actors face in the context of efforts to boost tourism industry in Haiti. The survey data and interviews with personalities who worked in the areas of training and development have revealed that the resources allocated to the national system of vocational training are largely inadequate to meet the social demand for training. It was also revealed that the public offer for training is historically low and geographically unequal. This problem affects the stock of human capital that the country needs for its economic development.The efforts put forth in recent years to mitigate the devastating effects of crises within the country have not been accompanied by the application of a vocational training policy in support of industries in which one hoped to have investments. The economics data of the region and the country's geographical location that suggest an ambitious training policy might play a role in attracting industries with high added value requiring less investment in which the country has comparative advantages including tourism. The study reveals that Haitian vocational education is disconnected from the apparatus of economic output that invests. This problem leads some companies to satisfy their needs by appealing to foreign labor, while the country has a high unemployment rate. Under-funded, technical education and vocational training are victims of the traditional representation some make about apprenticeship. Moreover, there is no space for formal discussion and dialogue among those responsible for the educational system and business leaders. These dialogues are necessary and acclaimed in a quest for support, anticipation of investment and the implementation of employment policies, in rare cases where they exist, are more personal than institutional. Competition for personal contacts outweighs public interest. The mutualisation of forces in place seems necessary in order to reach a common view of the economic environment, establish a privileged and enlightened partnership between the production apparatus and that of education to better the politics of the State in the field of vocational training. Finally, as a priority sector of development, the industry of tourism providers of employment will not benefit Haiti if it does not make a substantial effort to innovate, to create new businesses and to acquire the skills and qualifications required in an economy based on tourism. The profitability of the tourism sector also means creating a business climate conducive to foreign direct investment (FDI) by removing the main obstacles to economic growth, through targeted activities relating to operations and marketing by improving the country's image abroad. ; L'étude sur la politique de formation professionnelle et d'emploi en Haïti met l'accent sur l"industrie touristique en tenant compte des atouts et de la position géographique du pays. Inscrit dans la lignée théorique du capital humain de Becker G. et faisant le lien entre les problèmes de la formation et le faible niveau de développement, le travail explore les principaux freins matériels et immatériels agissant négativement sur le secteur touristique et subséquemment sur le développement socioéconomique du pays. Adoptant une approche inspirée de l"analyse systémique de Mélèze J. complétée par l"analyse stratégique de Crozier M. et de Friedberg E., l"étude met en évidence les enjeux des acteurs dans le cadre des démarches visant à dynamiser l"industrie du tourisme en Haïti. Les données de l'enquête et les entretiens réalisés avec des personnalités ayant travaillé dans les secteurs de la formation et du développement ont permis de constater que les moyens alloués au système national de formation professionnelle sont largement insuffisants pour répondre à la demande sociale de la formation. Il a été permis de constater aussi que l'offre publique de formation professionnelle est historiquement faible et géographiquement inégalitaire. Ce problème affecte le stock de capital humain dont le pays a besoin pour assurer son développement socioéconomique.Les efforts déployés au cours de ces dernières années en vue d'atténuer les effets dévastateurs des crises qu'a connues le pays n'ont pas été accompagnés de l'application d'une politique de formation professionnelle en appui aux secteurs dans lesquels on espérait avoir des investissements. Les données économiques de la région et le positionnement géographique du pays autorisent à penser qu'une politique de formation ambitieuse aurait pu remplir une fonction attractive dans les branches d'activité à haute valeur ajoutée demandant moins d'investissement dans lesquelles le pays a des avantages comparatifs, notamment le tourisme. L'étude révèle que l'enseignement professionnel haïtien est déconnecté de l'appareil de production économique qui investit. Ce problème pousse certaines entreprises, pour répondre à leurs besoins, à faire appel à la main-d'oeuvre étrangère tandis que le pays connaît un taux de chômage important. Sous-financés, l'enseignement technique et la formation professionnelle sont victimes de la représentation traditionnelle que certains ont de l'apprentissage. De plus, il n'existe pas un espace formel de concertation et de dialogue entre les responsables des organismes de formation et les dirigeants des entreprises. Ces dialogues, nécessaires et réclamés dans une démarche d'accompagnement, d'anticipation des investissements et de mise en oeuvre des politiques de l'emploi, dans les rares cas où ils existent, sont plus personnels qu'institutionnels. La concurrence pour avoir des contactspersonnels prime sur l'intérêt général. La mutualisation des forces en présence paraît nécessaire afin d'arriver à une lecture partagée de l"environnement économique, établir un partenariat privilégié et éclairé entre l'appareil de production et celui de l'enseignement pour mieux orienter la politique de l'État dans le champ de la formation professionnelle. Enfin, comme secteur prioritaire de développement, le tourisme, industrie pourvoyeuse d'emplois, ne sera pas profitable à Haïti s'il n'y a pas un effort substantiel pour innover, créer des entreprises nouvelles et les doter des compétences et des qualifications que requiert une économie fondée sur les activités touristiques. La rentabilité du secteur touristique passe également par la création d"un climat d'affaire propice à l"investissement direct étranger (IDE), par la levée des principaux freins à la croissance économique, par des actions ciblées relatives aux opérations de marketing et par l'amélioration de l'image du pays à l'étranger.

The study on vocational training policy and employment in Haiti focuses on the tourism industry taking into account the strengths and geographic position. Join in the tradition of human capital theory of Becker G. and linking the issues of training and low level of development, the work explores the main brake material and immaterial acts negatively on the tourism sector and subsequently the country's socioeconomic development. Adopting an approach based on systems analysis of Mélèze J. supplemented by the analysis Strategic Crozier M. and Friedberg E., the study highlights the challenges that the actors face in the context of efforts to boost tourism industry in Haiti. The survey data and interviews with personalities who worked in the areas of training and development have revealed that the resources allocated to the national system of vocational training are largely inadequate to meet the social demand for training. It was also revealed that the public offer for training is historically low and geographically unequal. This problem affects the stock of human capital that the country needs for its economic development.The efforts put forth in recent years to mitigate the devastating effects of crises within the country have not been accompanied by the application of a vocational training policy in support of industries in which one hoped to have investments. The economics data of the region and the country's geographical location that suggest an ambitious training policy might play a role in attracting industries with high added value requiring less investment in which the country has comparative advantages including tourism. The study reveals that Haitian vocational education is disconnected from the apparatus of economic output that invests. This problem leads some companies to satisfy their needs by appealing to foreign labor, while the country has a high unemployment rate. Under-funded, technical education and vocational training are victims of the traditional representation some make about apprenticeship. Moreover, there is no space for formal discussion and dialogue among those responsible for the educational system and business leaders. These dialogues are necessary and acclaimed in a quest for support, anticipation of investment and the implementation of employment policies, in rare cases where they exist, are more personal than institutional. Competition for personal contacts outweighs public interest. The mutualisation of forces in place seems necessary in order to reach a common view of the economic environment, establish a privileged and enlightened partnership between the production apparatus and that of education to better the politics of the State in the field of vocational training. Finally, as a priority sector of development, the industry of tourism providers of employment will not benefit Haiti if it does not make a substantial effort to innovate, to create new businesses and to acquire the skills and qualifications required in an economy based on tourism. The profitability of the tourism sector also means creating a business climate conducive to foreign direct investment (FDI) by removing the main obstacles to economic growth, through targeted activities relating to operations and marketing by improving the country's image abroad. ; L'étude sur la politique de formation professionnelle et d'emploi en Haïti met l'accent sur l"industrie touristique en tenant compte des atouts et de la position géographique du pays. Inscrit dans la lignée théorique du capital humain de Becker G. et faisant le lien entre les problèmes de la formation et le faible niveau de développement, le travail explore les principaux freins matériels et immatériels agissant négativement sur le secteur touristique et subséquemment sur le développement socioéconomique du pays. Adoptant une approche inspirée de l"analyse systémique de Mélèze J. complétée par l"analyse stratégique de Crozier M. et de Friedberg E., l"étude met en évidence les enjeux des acteurs dans le cadre des démarches visant à dynamiser l"industrie du tourisme en Haïti. Les données de l'enquête et les entretiens réalisés avec des personnalités ayant travaillé dans les secteurs de la formation et du développement ont permis de constater que les moyens alloués au système national de formation professionnelle sont largement insuffisants pour répondre à la demande sociale de la formation. Il a été permis de constater aussi que l'offre publique de formation professionnelle est historiquement faible et géographiquement inégalitaire. Ce problème affecte le stock de capital humain dont le pays a besoin pour assurer son développement socioéconomique.Les efforts déployés au cours de ces dernières années en vue d'atténuer les effets dévastateurs des crises qu'a connues le pays n'ont pas été accompagnés de l'application d'une politique de formation professionnelle en appui aux secteurs dans lesquels on espérait avoir des investissements. Les données économiques de la région et le positionnement géographique du pays autorisent à penser qu'une politique de formation ambitieuse aurait pu remplir une fonction attractive dans les branches d'activité à haute valeur ajoutée demandant moins d'investissement dans lesquelles le pays a des avantages comparatifs, notamment le tourisme. L'étude révèle que l'enseignement professionnel haïtien est déconnecté de l'appareil de production économique qui investit. Ce problème pousse certaines entreprises, pour répondre à leurs besoins, à faire appel à la main-d'oeuvre étrangère tandis que le pays connaît un taux de chômage important. Sous-financés, l'enseignement technique et la formation professionnelle sont victimes de la représentation traditionnelle que certains ont de l'apprentissage. De plus, il n'existe pas un espace formel de concertation et de dialogue entre les responsables des organismes de formation et les dirigeants des entreprises. Ces dialogues, nécessaires et réclamés dans une démarche d'accompagnement, d'anticipation des investissements et de mise en oeuvre des politiques de l'emploi, dans les rares cas où ils existent, sont plus personnels qu'institutionnels. La concurrence pour avoir des contactspersonnels prime sur l'intérêt général. La mutualisation des forces en présence paraît nécessaire afin d'arriver à une lecture partagée de l"environnement économique, établir un partenariat privilégié et éclairé entre l'appareil de production et celui de l'enseignement pour mieux orienter la politique de l'État dans le champ de la formation professionnelle. Enfin, comme secteur prioritaire de développement, le tourisme, industrie pourvoyeuse d'emplois, ne sera pas profitable à Haïti s'il n'y a pas un effort substantiel pour innover, créer des entreprises nouvelles et les doter des compétences et des qualifications que requiert une économie fondée sur les activités touristiques. La rentabilité du secteur touristique passe également par la création d"un climat d'affaire propice à l"investissement direct étranger (IDE), par la levée des principaux freins à la croissance économique, par des actions ciblées relatives aux opérations de marketing et par l'amélioration de l'image du pays à l'étranger.

Poland towards Russia between 1992 and 2015 and outline their specifics. The author attempted at a synthesis of major manifestations of Polish-Russian cooperation and most sticking points in the intergovernmental (international) relations during that period. An important objective was to show the sources and examples of a divergence of interests, and point to the goals, which were based on these premises, established by the foreign policy-makers in Poland and Russia and pursued in mutual relations and international affairs. Between 1992 and 2015, in Poland's foreign policy towards the East and national security policy, the relations with Russia and the Ukraine were of utmost importance. On the economic level, considering the volume of mutual trade turnover, Poland's main partner in the East was the Russian Federation, whereas on the political level, the Ukraine was seen as a strategic partner. Along with the Ukraine, Russia played a key role in Poland's security policy in the discussed period. It should be emphasized that Polish-Russian and Polish-Ukrainian relations were very closely linked, and so was Poland's policy towards Russia and the Ukraine. In Poland's foreign policy towards Russia, or in broader terms, in Polish-Russian relations between 1992 and 2015, seven stages can be distinguished; each having their own characteristic. Despite some new specifics in each particular stage, they all shared an element of continuity. The constant theme was a great divergence of interests between Poland and Russia, particularly with regard to the European security system, and the role of NATO in shaping this security, as well as further stages of the alliance's enlargement, especially by countries of the post-Soviet area; energy security and Poland's strive for diversification of fuels supplies faced with Russia's actions aimed at the diversification of routes of sending its gas and crude oil to Western Europe bypassing the Ukraine and Poland; a historic dispute, in which a thorough, satisfying for the Poles, explanation of the Katyn Forest massacre was particularly high on the agenda among other issues; opposing visions of building an order in Eastern Europe, and first and foremost, in the Ukraine. With the passing of time, especially after Poland's NATO and the EU accession, the future of Eastern European countries, particularly the Ukraine and Belarus, has become a fundamental issue in Polish-Russian relations. Both Russia and Poland treated Eastern European countries as a sort of a safety buffer. However, the two countries had entirely different visions of how this buffer ought to be shaped. The political leadership in Poland saw the strenghtening of national security in the strenghtening of the Ukrainian buffer through the Ukraine's membership in NATO and the EU, whereas for the political leadership in Russia, the strenghtening of national security through Ukrainian buffer meant preserving its outside NATO status, or incorporating it in the the security system built under the aegis of Russia on the area of CIS. A characteristic of the Polish-Russian relations in that period was a great imbalance to Poland's disadvantage, resulting from the differences in broadly understood physical potential of the two countries and, consequently, their international roles (Poland being a medium-size country situated in Central Europe and Russia being a superpower in Central Eurasia). The capacities of Poland to shape the situation in Eastern Europe on its own were incomparably lower than Russia's. Therefore, Poland was trying to make use of European and Euro-Atlantic multirateral structures, mainly through the Eastern Dimension realized by the EU and NATO, to have as much influence as possible, on the desired developments in Eastern Europe. The eastern policy under successive RP governments was characterized by their overrating, frequently, of their own capacities, lack of objectivity in assessment of the situation across our eastern border, and application of double standards, particularly in the policy towards Russia. Polish-Russian political relations throughout the post-Cold War period were critical, and improvements were relatively short-lasting. Not only Russia, but also Poland is to blame for such a state of events. The Polish side, due to historical reasons and imbalance of potential, expected Russia to take more initiative in coming to an agreement with Poland. However, it has to be admitted that in many activities undertaken by Poland with regard to European security, in particular Eastern European subregion, the interests of Russia were completly disregarded, although they did not have to be accepted fully. An example of this was Polish diplomacy in the second half of 2013 intended not to allow Russia to be included in the negotiations on the EU association agreement with the Ukraine about issues that had economic implications for Russia's interests. In their policy towards Russia, foreign policy-makers in Poland, forgot, all too often, or, were unwilling to remember, about the principle that in order to meet the security needs of one's own country, one should also consider the security needs of other countries, the neighbouring ones in the first place. Analyzing the policies under succesive III RP governments on European security and relations with the post-Soviet countries, it is hard to share the view prevailing in our country that Poland did its best to develop partnership and good neighbourly relations with Russia. Among politicians, publicists and the Polish society, there was a large group of people who took a stance, though it was not always formally articulated, that Poland has a right, or even a duty to remain hostile towards Russia. On the other hand, Russia should not act unfavourably towards Poland, regardless of Poland's anti-Russian policy, although, obviously, it was declared otherwise. One of the few stages showing a distinct improvement in Poland's policy towards Russia and a mutual willingness to normalize our political relations, was the one between 2008 and 2010, when an unsuccesful attempt was made at pragmatizing foreign policy towards Russia. Since the end of 2007, this new foreign policy, gradually encompassing other areas, led to a greater or lesser modification of the policy to date towards Russia, the Ukraine, Belarus and Georgia by basing it on the so-called positive realism. These new trends increased cooperation between Poland and Russia and, eventually, a considerable progress was achieved in normalizing our relations. Between 2008 and 2010, Polish policy towards the East not only changed in practice, it was also a conceptual change. The crash of the presidential plane at Smoleńsk (April 10th, 2010), in which 96 peple were killed, including President of RP Lech Kaczyński and His Spouse, was a major, if not primary reason why the normalization process (2008–2010) was seriously hampered to the point of a standstill between 2011 and 2013. The Smoleńsk air disaster, and conflicting stands over its causes in particular, exacerbated divisions in the Polish society and strenghtened reluctance, if not hostility, towards Russia. A large part of the Polish political class and society did not accept a version of an inadvertent air disaster (plane crash), whose causes, like not following correct procedures, lay on both Poles and Russians. The surveys conducted during the years following the Smoleńsk air disaster showed that over 30% of the Polish society were convinced that it had been an attempt on the life of the Polish delegation en route to a commemoration of the 70th anniversary of the Katyn Forrest massacre, and that the Russian government and secret services had been involved. After the Smoleńsk air disaster, foreign policy towards Russia and Polish-Russian relations became a ground for political struggle in our country. For many politicians and conservatist right-wing journalists, a demonstrated degree of anti-Russian sentiment became the main criterion of patriotism. In a large part of the Polish society, a belief was strenghtened that actions should be taken to weaken and isolate Russia, and to minimize, rather than increase cooperation between the two countries. This meant that internal conditions within our country, which could possibly motivate the foreign policy-makers to stop viewing Russia as the main threat and encourage a breakthrough in thinking about that issue, deteriorated markedly. Consequently, Polish-Russian relations between 2011 and 2013 remained in a state of deadlock. In the foreign policy of Poland between 1992 and 2015, Russia played the leading role. This, however, stemmed from Russia being perceived by the policy-makers as the main threat to our national security, not a recognized partner in pursuing this security. Throughout that period, in all successive stages of Polish security policy, Russia was regarded as the main threat. Each political leadership in Poland, especially since the mid 1990s, treated Russia in this way, and these were not merely anti-Russian declarations, but a guiding principle of the foreign policy. Behind it, was a conviction that Russian imperialism was timeless and Russia would never accept the sovereignty of Poland. It was an obvious reference to the classical Polish geopolitical thought about Russia posing main threats to our national security. During the crisis and conflict in eastern Ukraine, between 2014 and 2015, the foreign policymakers in Poland revived the stance of a military threat on the part of Russia. For the first time since the end of the Cold War, such loud voices were heard about a possible military attack on Poland. Unlike the earlier periods, when there was an informal presumption that Russia was a threat to the security of Poland, in 2014, for the first time, in III RP's security policy, Russia was formally pointed to as a direct military threat. It was articulated in official state documents, including Strategia Bezpieczeństwa Narodowego Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej from November, 2014, and in addresses delivered by the Polish government officials (for instance in exposé of Foreign Minister R. Sikorski and his follower G. Schetyna). The crisis and conflict in south-eastern Ukraine did not substantially change Poland's policy towards Russia. What did change between 2014 and 2015, however, was that much more emphasis than ever was placed on Russia being a threat to our national security, and there being a serious risk of a Russian direct invasion of Poland. During 2014 and 2015, the process of politicizing fear (policy of fear) of Russia was at its height. For Poland, a major outcome of the Ukrainian conflict and crisis was decreased national security and growing fears, among them the fear of Russian invasion, which does not mean that such a threat was real. During the years 2014 and 2015, Polish-Russian political relations at the highest level came almost to the point of being frozen. Important direct implications of the Ukrainian conflict for Poland's security were, apart from a growing fear of Russia, increased desires towards strenghtening its own defense capability, strenghtening NATO cohesion, increased involvement of NATO in our sub-region's security and closer bilateral Polish-American cooperation regarding military security. Resolving the conflict in eastern Ukraine as quickly as possible was in the interests of Poland. However, Polish diplomacy did not engage much in the conflict deescalation. They were very sceptical about the successive agreements aimed at ending the military operations negotiated within the frames of the so-called Normandy format (Mińsk I and Mińsk II). It seems that, considering the geopolitical situation in the Ukraine and divisions of the Ukrainian society, this country should remain a buffer state. Alternatively, coming out of this role should occur gradually, through a simultaneous Europeization of the Ukraine and Russia. Poland should not be interested in the "revolutionary" speeding up of the processes occuring in the Ukrainian society. Responsible politicians willing to serve the best interests of their nation should be aware of the limitations in pursuing even the most support worthy goals. The policy of every country, the foreign policy of Poland and the Ukraine included, should be founded on a realistic assessment of one's own capabilities so that aspirations would not outgrow the real possibilities of their attainment. Poland, aspiring to the role of the EU main expert in Russian and the post-Soviet area affairs, through insisting in the EU on the earliest possible Ukraine association with the EU, contributed in a way to the situation when the Ukraine had to choose between the EU and Russia. Polish politicians did not anticpate the negative outcomes of such acceleration for the Ukraine itself (including the loss of Crimea and strong separatist tendencies in the East of the Ukraine), as well as for Russian- Ukrainian relations and the security of Poland. Therefore, the firm support and involvement of the Polish political class in the so-called democratic revolution in the Ukraine during 2013 and 2014, can hardly be regarded as a succcess. Polish policy towards the East ended in yet another failure, which was shown as confirmation when Poland was not included in the talks aimed at resolving the Ukrainian crisis, which were held by officials from the Ukraine, Russia, Germany and France since the middle of 2014. The Ukrainian crisis and conflict was a turning point in Polish security policy and Polish-Russian relations. The Polish government officially began to treat Russia as the largest threat to the national and international security. A considerable part of the political elites in Poland did not see the threat in excessive dependence of Polish economy on Russian energy resources or other economic threats, but in a direct military attack. Generally speaking, it is unknown to what extent the Ukrainian crisis and conflict will, in the long run, have an impact on changes in Polish policy towards the East, particularly towards Russia and the Ukraine. It exposed the ineffectiveness of our foreign policy to date towards the East. In this context, a question arises: What will be mid- and long-term implications of the Ukrainian conflict for the modification or a radical alteration to Polish foreign policy towards the East? Another fundamental question pertains to Polish-Russian relations: What policy should Poland pursue towards Russia now and in the future? Will the foreign policy and security policy be directed, like in 2014 and 2015, at instransigence and confrontation, or will the normalization tendency prevail as regards Russia, and will the relations with the Ukraine be redefined? However, at the end of 2015, nothing implied that the foreign and security policy-makers intended to transform in any way the policy towards Russia and the Ukraine to date. It does not mean that changes will not be implemented in the years to come. It will be closely connected with the impact of the Ukrainian conflict on the modification of the policy of Germany and the entire European Union as well as the policy of the United States on the post-Soviet area. The crisis and conflict in eastern Ukraine strenghtened the legitimacy of argumentation that the main player in the post-Soviet area is Russia. None of the serious problems in this area can be resolved without the participation of Russia, and all the more, against Russia, which obviously, does not mean that the proponents of this stance overrate the capabilities of Russia in terms of shaping the closer and farther international environment. On this account, Polish policy will be hardly effective if at least some of Russia's interests in the post-Soviet area, especially in Eastern Europe, are taken into consideration, as was proven to date. Bearing in mind long-term consquences, the strategic conceptions of the Polish policy towards the East, should opt for the closest possible ties of Russia with political and economic structures of the EU and Euro-Atlantic structures (Europeization of Russia). This, in turn, should result in the evolution of the economic-political system of Russia into liberal democracy. The Ukrainian crisis and conflict classified the effectiveness of the Polish conception aimed at occidentalizing the Ukraine, Belarus and Moldova without simultaneously occidentalizing Russia. As was indicated by the proponents of this conception, its implementation assumed an inevitable cost such as a political conflict with Russia. The crisis and conflict in the Ukraine between 2014 and 2015 should be a good reason to change this stance. The biggest price for its implementation was paid by the Ukraininas themselves. Therefore, in the context of these experiences, Poland should suport not in opposition to Russia, but together with Russia, which does not imply that this process has to be fully synchronized. The direction of actions in this matter is of key importance. Despite the many contentious issues in Polish-Russian relations and different historical memory of Poles and Russians, in the long-term interests of Poland's security, lies implementing a cooperative and integrating, not a confrontational conception. For the normalization of Polish-Russian relations, it is essential that the successive governemnets of Poland and Russia should have a political will to a less confrontational approach towards disputable issues and resolve emerging problems in a compromising way, which is one of the "scarcest commodities" in the Polish-Russian relations. A compromise should not be treated as a failure, as is often believed, also by the Poles. It also requires changes in mutual perception. A true normalization of mutual relations between Poland and Russia will not be possible if the majority of political elites, media and society in both countries will see the other not even as a difficult partner of rival, but an enemy. The divergence of interests does not have to lead to hostility. The governing groups in Poland and Russia face a challenge in improving Polish-Russian relations. They can either attempt to broaden the area of common interests or to highlight the discrepancies and divergence of interests, and thus strenghten social attitudes prone to either cooperation or confrontation.

Betty J. Ott ; The Weber and Davis County Communities Oral History Collection include interviews of citizens from several different walks of life. These interviews were conducted by Stewart Library personnel, WeberState University faculty and students, and other members of the community. The histories cover various topics and chronicle the personal everyday life experiences and other recollections regarding the history of the Weber and Davis County areas. ; 13p.; 29cm.; 2 bound transcripts; 4 file folders. 1 sound disc: digital; 4 3/4 in. ; i Oral History Program Betty J. Ott Interviewed by Rebecca Ory Hernandez 7 November 2011 ii Oral History Program Weber State University Stewart Library Ogden, Utah Betty J. Ott Interviewed by Rebecca Ory Hernandez 7 November 2011 Copyright © 2012 by Weber State University, Stewart Library iii Mission Statement The Oral History Program of the Stewart Library was created to preserve the institutional history of Weber State University and the Davis, Ogden and Weber County communities. By conducting carefully researched, recorded, and transcribed interviews, the Oral History Program creates archival oral histories intended for the widest possible use. Interviews are conducted with the goal of eliciting from each participant a full and accurate account of events. The interviews are transcribed, edited for accuracy and clarity, and reviewed by the interviewees (as available), who are encouraged to augment or correct their spoken words. The reviewed and corrected transcripts are indexed, printed, and bound with photographs and illustrative materials as available. Archival copies are placed in Special Collections. The Stewart Library also houses the original recording so researchers can gain a sense of the interviewee's voice and intonations. Project Description The Weber and Davis County Communities Oral History Collection includes interviews of citizens from several different walks of life. These interviews were conducted by Stewart Library personnel, Weber State University faculty and students, and other members of the community. The histories date back to the early settlement of North Ogden, and cover various topics including the History of Fort Buenaventura, city government affairs, controversial issues, Latinos in Ogden, personal everyday life experiences and other recollections regarding the history of the Weber and Davis County areas. ____________________________________ Oral history is a method of collecting historical information through recorded interviews between a narrator with firsthand knowledge of historically significant events and a well-informed interviewer, with the goal of preserving substantive additions to the historical record. Because it is primary material, oral history is not intended to present the final, verified, or complete narrative of events. It is a spoken account. It reflects personal opinion offered by the interviewee in response to questioning, and as such it is partisan, deeply involved, and irreplaceable. ____________________________________ Rights Management All literary rights in the manuscript, including the right to publish, are reserved to the Stewart Library of Weber State University. No part of the manuscript may be published without the written permission of the University Librarian. Requests for permission to publish should be addressed to the Administration Office, Stewart Library, Weber State University, Ogden, Utah, 84408. The request should include identification of the specific item and identification of the user. It is recommended that this oral history be cited as follows: Betty J. Ott, an oral history by Rebecca Ory Hernandez, 7 November 2011, WSU Stewart Library Oral History Program, University Archives, Stewart Library, Weber State University, Ogden, UT. Layton and Betty Ott Portrait,1952 Layton and Betty Ott Portrait, 1990 Ott Family Portrait, 1994 Back Row: Corinne Jensen, Debora Blade, Stephen Ott, Patricia Godfrey, Norma Meyers Front Row: Vickie Schwurack, Betty Ott, Layton Ott, Lorie Roe 1 Abstract: The following is an oral history interview with Betty J. Ott. Betty (b.1932) and her husband, the late Layton P. Ott (1930-2004), who generously named the Weber State University's Ott Planetarium. The oral history focuses on Layton's work in science and his love of astronomy and physics. The interview was conducted on November 7, 2011 by Rebecca Ory Hernandez in order to gather Betty and Layton's experiences with Weber State University, including philanthropy. The Ott's important gift to Weber State University assures that the Ott Planetarium continues to do quality production and also allows resources to continue the outreach programs and field trips that the Ott Planetarium staff is so great at implementing. Over 22,000 children go through the Ott Planetarium annually. The Ott Planetarium has received NASA awards as well as local and regional recognition due to their generous support. ROH: Today is November 10, 2011. We are in the home of Mrs. Betty Ott in St. George, Utah. Present are Rebecca Ory Hernandez from Weber State and Betty. We're going to talk a little about Betty's history and her husband's history. We'll also talk about their connection to Weber State University. Let's start with your name. BO: I was born Betty Byrd on November 25, 1932, in Phillips County, Arkansas. My mother was Mary Magdalene Brantly. My dad was Marvin Martin Byrd. I was the third of their eight children. We lived on a big farm. My dad raised lots of cotton and lots of corn. I attended school in West Helena, Arkansas. I graduated top in my class in 1950. Then I moved to Little Rock, Arkansas, where I was a 2 secretary for a company that sold feed to cattle. It was called Thibault Milling Company. I met my husband while he was an LDS missionary. I met him and his companion one day and my folks did not want me to have anything to do with the LDS Church. I was getting a lot of problems, so I moved to Little Rock so I could do what I wanted to do. There was an attorney who was a member of the Church there. He took me to meet the people at the Thibault Milling Company and they hired me to work for them as a secretary. I was there for about a year and a half. Layton was in Arkansas to start with and he got transferred to Oklahoma, where he spent the rest of his time. ROH: Where was Layton from? BO: He was from a little town called Tropic, Utah. It's by Bryce Canyon. His dad raised cattle and his mother taught elementary school. His mother had lived in Ogden, but when she graduated, she went to Weber when it was Weber Academy. It only took two years, at that time, to become a teacher; then the State sent her down to a little place in Garfield County to teach. That was the Ott-family area down there and that's how she met Layton's dad. Layton was born in West Point; they lived there for a time. He had a brother and a sister. I thought Layton was really wonderful, so I corresponded with him while he was in Oklahoma. He wrote me a letter and said, "Would you marry me after my mission?" And we did. When we got married, we lived in Provo for a while. He was going to BYU and we didn't have jobs. We moved to Salt Lake and he went to the University of Utah. 3 ROH: What year did you get married? BO: In 1952. ROH: Where did you marry? BO: In the Logan Temple. I had a job working for a finance company while he was doing every kind of odd job he could in order to keep us afloat. He went to the U for a year, and then he got drafted into the Army. He was trained in Fort Ord, California, but when he finished training, he got sent to Petersburg, Virginia. He taught classes for the military there. ROH: Where were you at that time? BO: I was with him—not during the Basic Training, but after that I got to go with him. In November 1953, we had our first daughter, Deborah. ROH: Where was she born? BO: When he first got drafted into the Army, I stayed here in St. George because I didn't have another place to go. So I had Deborah here in St. George. When he finished with his military service, we came back to Salt Lake and he finished his Bachelor's degree. He graduated top in his group and he was offered two scholarships. He took the one in Los Angeles. We moved there and he got his Master's degree from UCLA. We had a son while he was in the military and our second daughter was born at the UCLA Medical Center. Then we moved back to Utah and he went to the University of Utah for his doctoral work. He got hired at the University [of Utah] and taught in the Business Department for about seventeen years. He loved it and he loved the young people. He actually got an 4 award from the University of Utah students, who voted him as one of the best professors in that department. ROH: Was his Master's in business? BO: Yes, it was an MBA. After he'd been at the U for about seventeen years, he said, "I need to do something different." It was about this time that he met President Miller, who was Weber's president. Weber wanted to get a planetarium, but financially it wasn't there. Layton helped them by donating a lot of things—he donated land so they could sell it, he also donated a coin collection…I don't remember everything. But he helped them so they could get the planetarium. ROH: What is the connection between his work in business and the planetarium? BO: He had a telescope and he loved to take the children out at night and show them. When Weber wanted to get a planetarium, it hit Layton just right. ROH: He was passionate about stars and astronomy. BO: He was, really. ROH: Do you know if he always had that hobby? Even as a young person? BO: I'm not sure. The only thing I remember was that when he was in Boy Scouts, they could get a merit badge for astronomy. Maybe that's where it started. ROH: How involved were you in that process of donating and helping Weber get a planetarium? BO: I was tending children all that time. It was a neat thing for me because I was supportive of him and what he did and when it was dedicated, I got invited to come. That was good. ROH: It must have been a happy day when we had the planetarium grand opening. 5 BO: It was beautiful. Then, after Layton passed away—it was in 2005 or 2006—we gave the money to Weber to get a new telescope and new chairs and things. ROH: When did Layton pass away? BO: It was in 2004. ROH: Did he stay connected to Weber all those years after meeting President Miller? BO: He did. He had a passion for helping Weber get what they needed. We spent a lot of time there. We got acquainted with most of the presidents of the college. He was really happy when it was made a university, too. Actually, President Naduald was the president of Weber and now he's the president of Dixie. He's a very nice person. ROH: How have you stayed involved with the planetarium since Layton's been gone? BO: Every year, Dr. Ostile and Lisa would come down to visit me and I continually give money to take care of things. We've done that every year. I don't know how it happened, but I know Layton had a desire to really help people and the planetarium. I think it was two years ago that we agreed to donate a certain amount to Weber for ten years. My son is involved in that. ROH: I wanted to ask if all of your children have been involved. BO: Mainly my son. One of the professors there had taken a leave of absence and my son graduated with a Master's degree from BYU, so they called him and asked him if he'd be willing to substitute. It was an accounting class. For some reason, we have just always stayed close to Weber. It meant a lot for Lisa and Dr. Ostlie to take the time to come down to visit. ROH: Have you been able to go to any of the shows in the planetarium? 6 BO: Yes. All of my family came into town and they had a special showing when they got all the new equipment in. The kids loved it. Dr. Ostlie and the proctors were so kind. They said, "Anytime there's kids trying to get merit badges or something, bring them here and we'll do a show for them." They are very kind. My son was a bishop in Kaysville and they would take kids up to see a show. The boys would get a merit badge for it. Weber has been very kind to me and to our family. I can't think of any other way to say it. ROH: That's perfect. Has this project that you've helped with caused you to have a greater interest in astronomy? BO: I love it, but I don't have a telescope or anything. I love to sit out at night in the summer and see the stars and the moon and think, "We've got a beautiful world." Layton would take the kids outside with a telescope and find the Big Dipper and things like that and he'd tell the kids all about it. ROH: Have your children become more inquisitive about astronomy because of this? BO: I would say so, but not in a large way. Lots of grandsons have enjoyed going to Weber to see the shows. It was nice for the kids. ROH: Is there anything you'd like us to know about Layton? BO: Oh my goodness, it would take all day to tell you all the wonderful things about Layton. When he gave up teaching at the University of Utah, he had two partners in Salt Lake that asked him if the three of them could start a developing businesses together—shopping centers in the Salt Lake area and those sorts of things. Their big project was the Layton Hills Mall. He did a lot of developing. One of his partners was sent to Armenia to build a cement plant—they had an 7 enormous earthquake there that destroyed a lot. After about six years of being over there, he got burned and came home and passed away at the University of Utah's Medical Center. But these three really were the best partnership you could ever ask for. They were just completely in accord. Layton was the one that made sure the financial part of it was okay. David Horn was the builder. Then Paul and Bob Mendenhall were the two that got the companies into the mall. They were together probably ten or so years. ROH: How did they know one another? BO: Through church. ROH: Was he working in the business world at the same time that he was teaching? BO: No. When he first quit teaching at the U, he bought a business from a company in Tooele. It was called Vista International. For several years, that company made pieces that fit on the back of a truck—now they're just called campers, I think. They really expanded that quite a bit. ROH: Did your family go camping? BO: The people who were building these campers said to him one day, "We have built a camper just for you. You need to come and see it." They'd put carpet and all these various things in it…it was really pretty. We took the children and went to Yellowstone—by then, we had six of our children. We stayed one night—we stayed in the hotel and the kids stayed in the trailer. Layton took it back and told the guy, "Sell it, I don't need it." It was not for him. He did not like to camp. Even as an Eagle Scout, he didn't want to go into the wilderness and set up a tent. [Laughter] 8 ROH: How long did he teach? BO: About seventeen years. And that camper business was the first thing that he went into. Doing strip malls and things came later. ROH: You've mentioned a few of your children. Would you tell us who they are and the years they were born? BO: Deborah Kay was born November 11, 1953. Steven Layton was born July 11, 1955. Laurie was born June 24, 1957; she's the one who was born at UCLA. Then Vicki Lynn was born August 15, 1958. Then we decided, "Wow, we've got to slow this down!" [Laughter] So we waited six years and then had Corinne; she was born on March 16, 1964. Patricia was born March 14, 1966. She and her husband Darin are very involved in Weber State. ROH: Did she go to Weber? BO: She and her husband graduated from Weber. Trisha got her Bachelor's and Darin got his Master's. Then, our youngest child is Norma Jean; she was born May 28, 1970. Norma graduated from BYU Hawaii. She met a guy over there and when she came home for Christmas she said, "I've met someone and I want to get married." That's when we decided to move to St. George. We wanted to get out of the cold weather; plus, Layton's mother lived there and she was not in good health, so we were coming down a lot for her sake. ROH: Had she moved from Tropic to St. George? BO: Yes, she had actually moved to St. George quite a few years earlier because she taught first grade at the school here. ROH: Would talk a little about your son's involvement in Weber State? 9 BO: He takes care of all the financial things between us and Weber. Weber knows his phone number and address. He could tell you so much more than I could. His dad idolized him and they did everything together. He's actually the CFO of Living Scriptures in Ogden. At one point, he quit and they hired another guy, then the boss called and said, "Steve, we've got to have you back." I think he works three days a week there. He has golfed with Dr. Ostlie and Lisa. Plus, his daughter Melanie is going to Weber right now. She wants to get a degree where she can…you know how when someone writes a book and you get it reviewed by someone? That's what she's going to school for. She wants to be able to do reviews of things. ROH: Do you go back to Weber State on occasion? BO: I get invited, but it's so far away! [Laughter] ROH: I know. I was wondering if there are things that you attend sometimes or if you go to campus to see the planetarium. BO: I think the last time I saw the planetarium was when they did the remodeling and dedication and all the family was there. I'm kind of a person who doesn't do social things. ROH: Tell me a little about what you do here in St. George. BO: I really enjoy it here. I've been working at the temple as an ordinance worker. I got released just recently, so now I go over to do my work. It's a beautiful thing and the work is beautiful. Around 1999, Layton said, "Let's take the children and go traveling with them." So in 1999, we did a cruise and went to Russia. The next year, we did a cruise and went to New England and Canada. The year after, we 10 did a cruise to Alaska. Then he started taking all the grandkids, too. It was a job. Then, in 2003, he took the children on a Caribbean cruise around Thanksgiving time and he passed away the following January. ROH: How did he pass away? BO: In 1973…he had a cousin who was Chief of Police in Salt Lake. He had been in the military and he trained people what to do with the enemy or bombs and things. We went with them for a month and in that period of time, Layton picked up salmonella. Normally, that's only dysentery and you get rid of it. But the doctor assumed that Layton had an ulcer and it got in his ulcer. He was in the hospital all summer long and it was so bad that we assumed we were going to lose him. Well, it affected his liver the worst, but it affected all of his vital organs. He had a number of operations. They did a surgery on him that worked, but you never get rid of the salmonella virus. When we came here, we found a doctor who works with livers as his specialty. About two years before Layton passed away, the doctor said, "Layton, I've done all I can do for you. I'll give you two years." Layton lived two more years and a month. Of course, I didn't know about that. Layton didn't tell me. He told my son and my son told me after Layton passed away. ROH: I guess he didn't want to worry you. BO: That's what Steve said. ROH: I'm very sorry. You said that Layton did some military duty, did he ever go overseas? BO: No. He was at Fort Lee teaching classes for the military. Then he got sent to a place in California; for some reason they had not kept the books that had to do 11 with the NCO Club. There were a lot of things about it that were a mess and they were trying to close it. I can't remember the name of the base. ROH: Which branch of the military? BO: The Army. His job was to construct a set of books that looked legal. It passed and so he worked there until about the last of August. They gave him an early release so he could go back to school. He went back and got his Bachelor's degree. ROH: So he wasn't in the military very long. BO: About two years. ROH: Did he have anything to say about that time in the military? Based on the rest of his life, that's a really small period of time. BO: There were several guys from Utah that had all gotten drafted at the same time and gone to Basic Training together. One of them had a car there and on the way back, they had a wreck. Layton's back was broken in the accident. From February through the end of April he was in the hospital trying to get it fixed. In May, they sent him to Fort Lee, Virginia. Because he had a bad back, he never had to do KP or guard duty or anything like that, so that was a good thing. But anyway, he did so many wonderful things. ROH: What did the two of you enjoy doing together as far as family traditions? BO: I think the most we ever did was go to movies together. We were stay-at-home kind of people. If we did do things, we had all the kids with us. Friday night was his day with all the kids and me. Every Friday night, they got to go out to dinner and chose where they wanted to eat. Then we'd come home and play games. He 12 thought his kids were the only kids in the world, I think. [Laughter] We were both very active in the Church so we did a lot of things church-wise. But he worked long hours when he quit teaching, and he felt like any time he had, he had to spend it with the family. So that was what we did. When we went on vacation, they all went with us. Except when we went to Asia. ROH: When did you go to Asia? BO: In 1973, that was when he picked up salmonella. ROH: Were you with him? BO: Yes. The four of us had to be tested, but he was the only one who had gotten it. ROH: Do you recall where you were based? BO: We weren't really based anywhere. In Salt Lake, there was a sort of international police chief convention [International Association of Chiefs of Police Convention]. The first country we went to was Japan; they wanted him to come in and talk to their police department and say, "If this happens…this is what you can do." We went all over. We were in the Philippines and Singapore and Thailand. That was quite an experience. When we were in Thailand, they invited us to see some beautiful dance shows. We enjoyed Thai food. We got entertained as if we were VIPs. ROH: Layton was never a policeman though? BO: Layton wasn't, but Layton's cousin, Earl was a policeman. Earl and his wife asked us if we'd go with them. We had a wonderful time in Japan. We got to see them diving for pearls and various things. ROH: That sounds exciting. I've never seen pearl diving. 13 BO: Yes. They have to be in a certain place and a certain depth of water, so we were taken out to a place where we could see them diving for the pearls. ROH: Okay. So neither you nor Layton attended Weber State. BO: Just his mother. She knew President Miller and I think that was what started her interest. President Miller was from West Point, I believe, and that's where Layton's mother grew up. ROH: Next week, I have an appointment to talk to the five daughters of President Miller. BO: Oh, he was such a kind, good man. President Nadauld was, too. When we moved down here, we were trying to help him to keep some programs going, too. Layton was really a lover of education and he wanted all of his kids to be well-educated. I have twenty grandchildren and fourteen great-grandchildren. The oldest just turned twenty and he's going to Honduras to serve a mission for the Church. Trisha's son is in Norway. My daughter Corinne's third daughter is in the Singapore Mission in the Malaysian Islands. ROH: Three of your grandchildren on missions at the same time? BO: Yes. Other than that, I've got grandkids who have done wonderful things. Everybody does. ROH: Thank you so much for your time. We appreciate it.

Surveillance for chronic fatigue syndrome : four U.S. cities, September 1989 through August 1993: PROBLEM/CONDITION: Although chronic fatigue syndrome (CFS) has been recognized as a cause of morbidity in the United States, the etiology of CFS is unknown. In addition, information is incomplete concerning the clinical spectrum and prevalence of CFS in the United States. REPORTING PERIOD COVERED: This report summarizes CFS surveillance data collected in four U.S. cities from September 1989 through August 1993. DESCRIPTION OF SYSTEM: A physician-based surveillance system for CFS was established in four U.S. metropolitan areas: Atlanta, Georgia; Wichita, Kansas; Grand Rapids, Michigan; and Reno, Nevada. The objectives of this surveillance system were to collect descriptive epidemiologic information from patients who had unexplained chronic fatigue, estimate the prevalence and incidence of CFS in defined populations, and describe the clinical course of CFS. Patients aged > or = 18 years who had had unexplained, debilitating fatigue or chronic unwellness for at least 6 months were referred by their physicians to a designated health professional(s) in their area. Those patients who participated in the surveillance system a) were interviewed by the health professional(s); b) completed a self-administered questionnaire that included their demographic information, medical history, and responses to the Beck Depression Inventory, the Diagnostic Interview Schedule, and the Sickness Impact Profile; c) submitted blood and urine samples for laboratory testing; and d) agreed to a review of their medical records. On the basis of this information, patients were assigned to one of four groups: those whose illnesses met the criteria of the 1988 CFS case definition (Group I); those whose fatigue or symptoms did not meet the criteria for CFS (Group II); those who had had an identifiable psychological disorder before onset of fatigue (Group III); and those who had evidence of other medical conditions that could have caused fatigue (Group IV). Patients assigned to Group III were further evaluated to determine the group to which they would have been assigned had psychological illness not been present, the epidemiologic characteristics of the illness and the frequency of symptoms among patients were evaluated, and the prevalence and incidence of CFS were estimated for each of the areas. RESULTS: Of the 648 patients referred to the CFS surveillance system, 565 (87%) agreed to participate. Of these, 130 (23%) were assigned to Group I; 99 (18%), Group II; 235 (42%), Group III; and 101 (18%), Group IV. Of the 130 CFS patients, 125 (96%) were white and 111 (85%) were women. The mean age of CFS patients at the onset of illness was 30 years, and the mean duration of illness at the time of the interview was 6.7 years. Most (96%) CFS patients had completed high school, and 38% had graduated from college. The median annual household income/for CFS patients was $40,000. In the four cities, the age-, sex-, and race-adjusted prevalences of CFS for the 4-year surveillance period ranged from 4.0 to 8.7 per 100,000 population. The age-adjusted 4-year prevalences of CFS among white women ranged from 8.8 to 19.5 per 100,000 population. INTERPRETATION: The results of this surveillance system were similar to those in previously published reports of CFS. Additional studies should be directed toward determining whether the data collected in this surveillance system were subject to selection bias (e.g., education and income levels might have influenced usage of the health-care system, and the populations of these four surveillance sites might not be representative of the U.S. population). ACTIONS TAKEN: In February 1997, CDC began a large-scale, cross-sectional study at one surveillance site (Wichita) to describe more completely the magnitude and epidemiology of unexplained chronic fatigue and CFS. ; Malaria surveillance : United States, 1993: PROBLEM/CONDITION: Malaria is caused by infection with one of four species of Plasmodium (P. falciparum, P. vivax, P. ovale, and P. malariae), which are transmitted by the bite of an infective female Anopheles sp. mosquito. Most malaria cases in the United States occur among persons who have traveled to areas (i.e., other countries) in which disease transmission is ongoing. However, cases are transmitted occasionally through exposure to infected blood products, by congenital transmission, or by local mosquito-borne transmission. Malaria surveillance is conducted to identify episodes of local transmission and to guide prevention recommendations. REPORTING PERIOD COVERED: Cases with onset of illness during 1993. DESCRIPTION OF SYSTEM: Malaria cases confirmed by blood smear are reported to local and/or state health departments by health-care providers and/or laboratories. Case investigations are conducted by local and/or state health departments, and the reports are transmitted to CDC. RESULTS: CDC received reports of 1,275 cases of malaria in persons in the United States and its territories who had onset of symptoms during 1993; this number represented a 40% increase over the 910 malaria cases reported for 1992. P. vivax, P. falciparum, P. ovale, and P. malariae were identified in 52%, 36%, 4%, and 3% of cases, respectively. The species was not determined in the remaining 5% of cases. The 278 malaria cases in U.S. military personnel represented the largest number of such cases since 1972; 234 of these cases were diagnosed in persons returning from deployment in Somalia during Operation Restore Hope. In New York City, the number of reported cases increased from one in 1992 to 130 in 1993. The number of malaria cases acquired in Africa by U.S. civilians increased by 45% from 1992; of these, 34% had been acquired in Nigeria. The 45% increase primarily reflected cases reported by New York City. Of U.S. civilians who acquired malaria during travel, 75% had not used a chemoprophylactic regimen recommended by CDC for the area in which they had traveled. Eleven cases of malaria had been acquired in the United States: of these cases, five were congenital; three were induced; and three were cryptic, including two cases that were probably locally acquired mosquito-borne infections. Eight deaths were associated with malarial infection. INTERPRETATION: The increase in the reported number of malaria cases was attributed to a) the number of infections acquired during military deployment in Somalia and b) complete reporting for the first time of cases from New York City. ACTIONS TAKEN: Investigations were conducted to collect detailed information concerning the eight fatal cases and the 11 cases acquired in the United States. Malaria prevention guidelines were updated and disseminated to health-care providers. Persons who have a fever or influenza-like illness after returning from a malarious area should seek medical care, regardless of whether they took antimalarial chemoprophylaxis during their stay. The medical evaluation should include a blood smear examination for malaria. Malaria can be fatal if not diagnosed and treated rapidly. Recommendations concerning prevention and treatment of malaria can be obtained from CDC. ; Tetanus surveillance : United States, 1991-1994: PROBLEM/CONDITION: Despite the widespread availability of a safe and effective vaccine against tetanus, 201 cases of the disease were reported during 1991-1994. Of patients with known illness outcome, the case-fatality rate was 25%. REPORTING PERIOD COVERED: 1991-1994. DESCRIPTION OF SYSTEM: Physician-diagnosed cases of tetanus are reported to local and state health departments, the latter of which reports these cases on a weekly basis to CDC's National Notifiable Disease Surveillance System. Since 1965, state health departments also have submitted supplemental clinical and epidemiologic information to CDC's National Immunization Program. RESULTS: During 1991-1994, 201 cases of tetanus were reported from 40 states, for an average annual incidence of 0.02 cases per 100,000 population. Of the 188 patients for whom age was known, 101 (54%) were aged > or = 60 years and 10 (5%) were aged or = 80 years was more than 10 times greater than the risk for persons aged 20-29 years. All deaths occurred among persons aged > or = 30 years. The case-fatality rate (overall: 25%) increased with age, from 11% in persons aged 30-49 years to 54% in persons aged > or = 80 years. Only 12% of all patients were reported to have received a primary series of tetanus toxoid before onset of illness. For 77% of patients, tetanus occurred after an acute injury was sustained. Of patients who obtained medical care for their injury, only 43% received tetanus toxoid as part of wound prophylaxis. INTERPRETATION: The epidemiology of reported tetanus in the United States during 1991-1994 was similar to that during the 1980s. Tetanus continued to be a severe disease primarily of older adults who were unvaccinated or inadequately vaccinated. Most tetanus cases occurred after an acute injury was sustained, emphasizing the need for appropriate wound management. ACTIONS TAKEN: In addition to decennial booster doses of tetanus-diphtheria toxoid during adult life, the Advisory Committee on Immunization Practices (ACIP) recommends vaccination visits for adolescents at age 11-12 years and for adults at age 50 years to enable health-care providers to review vaccination histories and administer any needed vaccine. Full implementation of the ACIP recommendations should virtually eliminate the remaining tetanus burden in the United States. ; Surveillance for chronic fatigue syndrome : four U.S. cities, September 1989 through August 1993 / Michele Reyes, Howard E. Gary, Jr., James G. Dobbins, Bonnie Randall, Lea Steele, Keiji Fukuda, MGary P. Holmes, David G. Connell, Alison C. Mawle, D. Scott Schmid, John A. Stewart, Lawrence B. Schonberger, Walter J. Gunn, William C. Reeves -- Tetanus surveillance : United States, 1991-1994 / Hector S. Izurieta, Roland W. Sutter, Peter M. Strebel, Barbara Bardenheier, D. Rebecca Prevots, Melinda Wharton, Stephen C. Hadler, Epidemiology and Surveillance Division. National Immunization Program; Division of Viral and Rickettsial Diseases, National Center for Infectious Diseases -- Malaria surveillance : United States, 1993 / Lawrence M. Barat, Jane R. Zucker, Ann M. Barbe,r Monica E. Parise, Lynn A. Paxton, Jacqueline M. Roberts, Carlos C. Campbell, Division of Parasitic Diseases National Center for Infectious Diseases. ; February 21, 1997 ; Includes bibliographical references.