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"This volume seeks to develop new narratives on China's alternative policy and challenges policy makers on gender, regional, income and wage inequalities among rural migrant workers in China. The book also looks at China's social, environmental, economic and governance policies aimed at implementing a sustainable financial and corporate system for a prosperous society. The argument that China follows 'capitalism or socialism with Chinese characteristics' emanates from the Eurocentric ideological narratives based on 'varieties of capitalism' and 'national socialism'. This book attempts to move away from the duality of ideological criticism and dichotomous defence of China based on the ideological prisms of capitalism or socialism. It rejects the flawed analysis of both sides of the ideological divide. For all its limitations within the world capitalist system, China's achievements can't be undermined. The attempt to undermine Chinese achievements is a process and a strategy to delegitimise the Chinese state, the Communist Party of China, the Chinese success story, and to hide the available alternatives from the experience of The Chinese Way. The book will be a great read to students, researchers and scholars of Chinese studies, political economy, development studies and those interested in China's economic and public policies in general"--

The influence and power of some OECD states is under threat but China appears to remain astonishingly flexible, economically potent, and politically strong. How accurate is this view? To answer this question, major aspects of Chinese economic regulation that were adopted in the country's progress towards capitalist modernization are examined. The analysis requires a historical reconstruction of how China changed the way it intervenes economically and politically, especially with regard to the institutions of the central state. Such a reconstruction reveals that, since the 1990s, the central state has indeed increased its steering capacities. These capacities have a distinctive basis that includes acceptance of a state-centered approach, idiosyncratic innovation policies taking place in the 'shadow' of the state's hierarchy, and the ongoing influence of the communist party. An all-embracing controlling power is, however, not detectable. What does exist in China's competition-driven system of 'state-capitalist' regulation, is a set of limits on the state's capacity to govern. Adapted from the source document.

Local government and the party system in Egypt. After indicating that the 1952 Revolution restored the centralized State and a concentration of powers, the author States that the new rulers of Egypt can but rely on the former State apparatus when it comes to transforming society — social laws, land reforms, planning, social measures. That is why the history of local government is equivalent to a permanent clash with the one party System. Set up in 1960, the System subordinates local government to the national Union and, thereafter, to the Arabic Socialist Union, for the political power attempts to control the executive power at ail levels.
But the System, which is blocked by the omnipresence of the party and overlapping competencies among administrative bodies, has given rise to a "new class" in a context of bureaucracy and of "State capitalism". And the structural reform of governorates in 1971, following the party reform of 1968, has but contributed to strengthening administration since "local parliamentarism" does not work in favour of The Party. After the "economic opening", the "new class" looked after its consecration by the 1975 reform of local administration. Presented as a new step to democratization in Egypt, — local councils are elected through direct universal suffrage — this important reform mainly translates into reality, according to the author, the waning of The Party, the acknowledgement of local governments economic and social role, the predominance of the governor, and finally, the victory of local government over the Party.

The leaders of the left in the Democratic Alliance and the Socialist Bloc have concluded that they must fashion a left coalition and set of principles that will allow Chile to make the transition back to democratic society peacefully. A portion of the left has pushed aside the Communist Party and now opts for a European social democratic model. The other group accepts the idea of the use of violence in order to end Pinochet's rule

Chapter 8- Juche in Domestic PoliticsLeadership and Legitimacy; Government by Legacy (Yuhoon jong chi); "All for One and One for All"; The Party and the Bureaucracy; Policy Goals and Priorities; Notes; Chapter 9- Foreign and Unification Policy; Policies Toward the Major Powers; The Nonaligned Bloc; Overseas Koreans; Principles of Reunification; Notes; Chapter 10- Inter-Korean Relations: A Legitimacy War; Contrasting Bases of Regime Legitimacy; The Ascension of the Competing Systems; Legacies of the Korean War; Diverging Ideologies: Democracy Versus Nationalism; "State Capitalism" Versus Juche

The author describes the political concepts of Sun Yat-sen, leader of the Kuomintang party, whose views largely shaped the thinking of the Chinese elite about the modernization of the state and China's place in the world. These concepts are considered in relation to contemporary interpretations of the systemic and economic development of the People's Republic of China, the otherness of the 'Confucian capitalism' of East Asia, the limitations of the western concept of global government, and the crisis of neoliberal globalization.

It has been recognized since the publication of Esping-Andersen's Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism that the advanced Western welfare state comes in -- at least -- three variants: as a Nordic social-democratic regime, a conservative regime on the European continent or as a liberal welfare state regime in the Anglo-Saxon countries. Why exactly welfare states fit into this three-regime typology remains controversial, however. This article presents an argument which provides the three-regime heuristic with a historical foundation. The argument combines insights into the importance of electoral rules for the representation of socio-economic interests (of the lower & middle classes) with insights about the different cleavage structures which left their imprint on the party systems of Western Europe. This article's central claim is that a majoritarian electoral system leads to a residual-liberal welfare state, whereas in countries with proportional representation, either a red-green coalition between Social Democracy & agrarian parties (Scandinavia) or a red-black coalition between Social Democracy & Christian Democracy (on the European continent) was responsible for the build-up of the Nordic & continental welfare state, respectively. Tables, Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.

First Section The Philosophic Principles of the Marxist-Leninist World-View -- 1 Philosophic Materialism -- 2 The Materialist Dialectic -- 3 Epistemology -- Second Section The Materialist Conception of History -- 4 The Essence of Historical Materialism -- 5 Classes, Class-War and the State -- 6 The Role of the Popular Masses and of the Individual in History -- 7 Social Progress -- Third Section The Political Economy of Capitalism -- 8 Pre-Monopolistic Capitalism -- 9 Imperialism as the Highest and last Stage of Capitalism -- 10 Imperialism Today -- Fourth Section Theory and Tactics of the International Communist Movement -- 11 The World-Wide, Historical Mission of the Working Class -- 13 The Marxist-Leninist Party and its Role in the Class-War of the Worker -- 14 The Policy of the Unity of Action of the Working Class with all Democratic Forces among the People -- 15 The Coalition of the Working Class and the Peasantry under Capitalism -- 16 The Movement of the Peoples for National Liberation from Colonialism -- 17 The Fight of the Peoples of Capitalist Lands for the Conservation of their Sovereignty -- 18 The Fight for the Defence of Democracy in Bourgeois Lands -- 19 The Danger of War and the Peoples' Fight for Peace -- 20 On the Different Forms of the Transition to Socialist Revolution -- Fifth Section Doctrine on Socialism and Communism -- 21 The Dictatorship of the Proletariat and Proletarian Democracy -- 22 The Main Economic Tasks during the Period of Transition from Capitalism to Socialism -- 23 The Basic Traits of the Socialist Mode of Production -- 24 The Social-Political and Cultural Phaenotype of Socialist Society -- 25 The Socialist World-System -- 26 The Period of Transition from Socialism to Communism -- 27 On Communist Society -- Subject-Index.

Abstract For the past 30 years, Britain's ruling class has been deeply split over membership of the European Union. This came to a head over the referendum on so-called "Brexit". The Conservative Party (Tories) was split into "Remain" and "Leave" wings, both neoliberal, but with a different interpretation of the best way to make profits for the section of British capitalism each represents. Meanwhile the Labour Party is divided between the pro-business, neoliberal wing and the social democratic, reformist wing. The trade unions, with one or two notable exceptions, have conducted their activities within the parameters of parliamentary politics and desperately hoped for a Labour victory. The recent general election gave complete victory to the "Leave" Tories, which is potentially disastrous for the trade unions and their members.

When the Communists took Shanghai in 1949, they brought seasoned soldiers, but scarcely an accountant. The victory that they claimed in the city presented both resources and temptations, including riches to fund a fledgling regime but also the taint of capitalism. How would they fight their new battle to control and reform China's financial heart? For help, they turned to Gu Zhun (1915-1974), an accounting wunderkind, native Shanghainese, and veteran member of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Over the next three years, he oversaw and overhauled the city's financial structure from various perches in government, sometimes concurrently heading as many as three municipal bureaus. He thus shaped many of the dilemmas capitalists confront elsewhere in this volume. That he sometimes shared as much with them as with his superiors in the party perhaps only compounded their predicament.

AbstractThis article, which will appear in three parts over three issues of Historical Materialism, presents a broad analysis of the political economy and dynamics of social change during the first year (January 2006–January 2007) of the Evo Morales government in Bolivia. It situates this analysis in the wider historical context of left-indigenous insurrection between 2000 and 2005, the class structure of the country, the changing character of contemporary capitalist imperialism, and the resurgence of anti-neoliberalism and anti-imperialism elsewhere in Latin America. It considers, at a general level, the overarching dilemmas of revolution and reform. These considerations are then grounded in analyses of the 2000–5 revolutionary epoch, the 18 December 2005 elections, the social origins and trajectory of the Movimiento al Socialismo (MAS) as a party, the complexities of the relationship between indigenous liberation and socialist emancipation, the process of the Constituent Assembly, the political economy of natural gas and oil, the rise of an autonomist right-wing movement, US imperialism, and Bolivia's relations with Venezuela and Cuba. The central argument is that the economic policies of the new government exhibit important continuities with the inherited neoliberal model and that advancing the project of indigenous liberation and socialist emancipation will require renewed self-activity, self-organisation and strategic mobilisation of popular left-indigenous forces autonomous from the MAS government.