THIS ARTICLE DISCUSSES THE POLITICS OF THE NEW INEQUALITY. IT STATES THAT THE GROWING GAP BETWEEN RICH AND POOR FAMILIES IS NEITHER THE RESULT NOR THE CAUSE OF THE NEW RIGHT. ECONOMIC RESTRUCTURING IS THE CULPRIT. IT ASSERTS THAT THE PATTERNS OF THE NEW INEQUALITY SUGGEST THAT ITS MOST IMPORTANT POLITICAL IMPACT WILL RESULT FROM THE GROWING RACIAL DIVIDE IN FAMILY INCOMES AND CHANGING ECONOMIC ROLE OF WOMEN IN THE WORKPLACE AND FAMILY
This thesis asks what influence Christianity had on Canadian Confederation. It studies discussions relevant to political philosophy, education, and worldview in general in the Province of Canada's 1865 ratification debates on the Quebec Resolutions. Chapter 1 demonstrates the influence of beliefs about Canada's standing as a Christian nation, the sinfulness and fallibility of human nature, the importance of religious liberty on constitutional preferences, and support for the British constitutional tradition of mixed government. Chapter 2 shows how different Protestant and Roman Catholic convictions about the eternal nature of the human soul impacted views on the group rights issue of educational systems. Chapter 3 examines how providence-based understandings of history shaped the Canadian founders' vision for the new dominion. The thesis argues that a perception of 'God and state' had a widespread and foundational influence at Confederation. It also reassesses the 'political nationality' interpretation promoted by Morton, LaSelva, Ajzenstat, and others. ; February 2018
Budapest government established between 1918–1922 their own irredentist organizations and supported movements, which tried to undermine the idea of Czecho-Slovak statehood. Between the two word wars the idea of acquiring Upper Hungary became the objective number one regarding Hungarian revision, engaging the atention of both the political and military circles. Hungarian leadership made every effort all along to cross the rapprochment of the Czech and Slovak nations. Especially the groups of emigrants, who had voluntarily or involuntarily left the territory of the emerging Czechoslovak Republic, became substantially engaged in this direction. For Budapest was the best person highly educated and ambitious priest František Jehlička. In my study, I tried to give an objektive illustration about Jehlička life between (1918–1938) who played a significant but very controversial role in this action. Jehlička was not one of the new faces in Slovak politics. In 1906, he was already elected as member of the Hungarian parlament for the constituency of Pezinok. He belonged to the Slovak Peoples Party and many of his ideological associates saw him as the young hope of Slovak politics. He was accused of betraying the national interest for the sake of a university career. Jehlička again began to engage in politics in the autumn of 1918. By the side of Andrej Hlinka, he began to build up the Slovak Peoples Party. Jehlička was openly criticized the situaton in Czechoslovakia after 1919. He decided to return to the pro-Hungarian platform and openly support them. He left Czechoslovakia, and he became emigrant in Hungary, Poland and Austria. ; Budapest government established between 1918–1922 their own irredentist organizations and supported movements, which tried to undermine the idea of Czecho-Slovak statehood. Between the two word wars the idea of acquiring Upper Hungary became the objective number one regarding Hungarian revision, engaging the atention of both the political and military circles. Hungarian leadership made every effort all along to cross the rapprochment of the Czech and Slovak nations. Especially the groups of emigrants, who had voluntarily or involuntarily left the territory of the emerging Czechoslovak Republic, became substantially engaged in this direction. For Budapest was the best person highly educated and ambitious priest František Jehlička. In my study, I tried to give an objektive illustration about Jehlička life between (1918–1938) who played a significant but very controversial role in this action. Jehlička was not one of the new faces in Slovak politics. In 1906, he was already elected as member of the Hungarian parlament for the constituency of Pezinok. He belonged to the Slovak Peoples Party and many of his ideological associates saw him as the young hope of Slovak politics. He was accused of betraying the national interest for the sake of a university career. Jehlička again began to engage in politics in the autumn of 1918. By the side of Andrej Hlinka, he began to build up the Slovak Peoples Party. Jehlička was openly criticized the situaton in Czechoslovakia after 1919. He decided to return to the pro-Hungarian platform and openly support them. He left Czechoslovakia, and he became emigrant in Hungary, Poland and Austria. ; Budapešťská vláda mezi lety 1918–1922 vytvořila vlastní iredentistickou organizaci podporující hnutí, které se pokoušelo podkopat ideu česko-slovenské státnosti. Mezi dvěma světovými válkami se myšlenka na získání Horních Uher stala předmětem číslo jedna maďarského revizionismu, poutající pozornost politických i vojenských kruhů. Maďarské vedení vyvinulo veškerou možnou snahu, aby narušilo sbližování českého a slovenského národa. Zvláště skupiny emigrantů, kteří ať už dobrovolně nebo nedobrovolně opouštěli území nově se formující Československé republiky, se staly značně angažované na vedení. Pro Budapešť byla nejvýznamnější osoba vzdělaného a ambiciózního kněze Františka Jehličky. V této studii se pokouším poskytnou objektivní popis Jehličkova života mezi lety 1918–1938, kdy v této akci hrál významnou, ale kontroverzní roli. Jehlička nebyl novou tváří na slovenské politické scéně. V roce 1906 byl již zvolen jako člen Maďarského parlamentu ve volebním obvodě Pezinok. Patřil ke Slovenské lidové straně a mnoho z jeho ideologických podporovatelů v něm spatřovalo mladou naději slovenské politiky. Byl obžalován ze zrady národních zájmů kvůli své univerzitní kariéře. Znovu se stal Jehlička politicky činným na podzim 1918. Za stranu Andreje Hlinky začal budovat Slovenskou lidovou stranu. Jehlička otevřeně kritizoval situaci v Československu po roce 1919. Rozhodl se vrátit do promaďarsky orientované platformy a otevřeně ji podpořil. Emigroval postupně do Maďarska, Polska a Rakouska.
Статья посвящена проблеме интерпретации исторического нарратива в контексте политического дискурса.Цель данной статьи продемонстрировать, какие языковые средства используются для создания идеологических текстов, интерпретирующих исторические события. В статье указывается, что политические дискурсивные практики, принятые в данном обществе, призваны создавать «правильные» интерпретации исходного исторического нарратива для общественного адресата. Одной из наиболее характерных особенностей политического дискурса является использование клишированных выражений, устойчивых штампов, метафор. В статье дается анализ того, каким образом языковые конструкции приобретают статус штампов, а также подчеркивается, что тенденцию превращения в штампы имеют прежде всего фигуры речи, передающие в первую очередь не референтные значение, а несущие в себе мощный оценочный потенциал, основанный на нетривиальности, своеобразности и новизне выражения. В статье указывается, что в политическом дискурсе метафоричность играет исключительную роль. Метафоры образуют свои «семантические плацдармы» в общественно-политическом дискурсе. Публицистическая метафора ориентирована на генерирование оценочного эффекта положительного либо отрицательного, а также на придание дискурсу динамической насыщенности или конфронтационного напряжения. Суггестивные возможности штампа активно используются политтехнологами при разработке идеологем, обеспечивающих контроль власти над общественным сознанием посредством навязывания стереотипов и мыслительных схем, внедряющихся в когнитивные структуры общественного сознания. Считается, что идеологическая роль штампа наиболее ярко проявляется в государствах с жестким политическим режимом. Однако идеологические штампы в такой же мере присущи политическим дискурсивным практикам стран, причисляющих себя западной демократии, эти штампы достаточно точно укладываются в принятую систему общественных ценностей и соответствующую картину мира. ; The article is devoted to the interpretation of historical narrative in the context of political discourse. The purpose of the article is to demonstrate what language means are used to create ideological texts interpreting historical events. The article states that political discourse practices, adopted in any given society, are designed to give the "right" interpretation of the original historical narrative for public use.One of the most characteristic features of political discourse is the use of clichés and stock phrases.The article presents the analysis of how language expressions acquire stock phrases status, and it also stresses that figures of speech have the tendency of transformation in clichés which primarily have not a reference value, but a powerful evaluation capacity, based on the non-triviality, distinctiveness and novelty of expression. The article states that in the political discourse metaphors play a crucial role.Metaphors form their "semantic bridgehead" in the socio-political discourse. Journalistic metaphors are focused on the estimated effect generation positive or negative, and they give to a discourse a dynamic saturation or a confrontational tension. Suggestive capacities of clichés are actively used by political technologists in the development of ideologies which provide power control over the public consciousness through the imposition of stereotypes and mental schemes introduced in the cognitive frameworks of a society. It is believed that the role of the ideological clichés is mostly pronounced in the states with tough political regime. However, ideological clichés equally inherent in political discursive practices of western countries which consider themselves as democratic ones, these clichés are accurately integrated in the social value system and corresponding language picture of a society.
It has become increasingly common to argue that climate change will lead to mass migrations. In this chapter, we examine the largenumbers often invoked to underline alarming climate migration narratives. We outline the methodological limitations to theirproduction. We argue for a greater diversity of knowledges about climate migration, rooted in qualitative and mixed methods. Wealso question the usefulness of numbers to progressive agendas for climate action. Large numbers are used for rhetorical effect tocreate fear of climate migration, but this approach backfires when they are used to justify security-oriented, anti-migrant agendas. Inaddition, quantification helps present migration as a management problem with decisions based on meeting quantitative targets,instead of prioritising peoples' needs, rights, and freedoms. ; 0 ; info:eu-repo/semantics/published
National legislation complies with universally recognised norms of the international law, in particular: the definition of the ?refugee? notion, grounds for granting refugee status and subsidiary protection comply with similar provisions of international legal documents (in particular, the 1951 UN Convention ?Relating to the Status of Refugees?). Belarus ratified international treaties on economic, social and cultural, civil and political rights and joined the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination and Convention for the Suppression of the Traffic in Persons and of the Exploitation of the Prostitution of Others. Foreign citizens applying for recognition as refugees as well as recognised refugees enjoy special privileges and may count on certain types of aid on behalf of the state. In particular, according to the national legislation in Belarus, socio-economic rights of refugees are equal to the rights of citizens of the Republic of Belarus, refugees are granted free access to the national system of education and health system. Children of refugees enjoy the right to attend preschool facilities. Currently the drawback of the national legislative system in the discussed area is underregulation of issues related to refugee integration, conditions for their active participation in the life of society, ensuring equal rights and opportunities for men and women. Besides, representation of legal provisions in a multitude of statutory acts, including by-laws and decisions of state agencies, makes their application inconvenient. It also has a negative effect on the quality of cooperation and coordination of work of public authorities when addressing issues related to granting asylum. ; Consortium for Applied Research on International Migration (CARIM-East) is co-financed by the European University Institute and the European Union
Among topics discussed: Various constituencies for which Sweat has worked--county interests, the poor, business interests; Central Atlanta Progress; Sweat's political identification; Chattahoochee River Corridor Plan; Marvin Arrington; Sweat's support from activist neighborhood people; getting hired at Central Atlanta Progress; Homeless Task Force; Luce Group and Charles Loudermilk support Andrew Young; Alvin Ferst of Rich's; Billy Stern; Atlanta Regional Commission activities--Regional Transportation Plan, Air Quality Plan; Howard Brockey; Phil Hammer; EOA; reorganization and issues of Central Atlanta Progress after Sweat was hired. Possibility of acquiring Techwood-Clark Howell Homes for luxury housing; Homeless Task Force; Hosea Williams; Reverend Ted Clark; John Portman; Bedford-Pine; Benjamin Brown; interviews of Techwood-Clark Howell residents; Maynard Jackson's views on the potential luxury housing; Alliance for Human Services and homeless plans; Sweat's leadership and managerial styles; International City Managers Association; Shirley Franklin. Sweat's problem-solving and training strategies; Chattahoochee River Plan as one of Sweat's proudest accomplishments; James Mackay; Jimmy Carter; Buford Dam; real estate development in Fulton and Cobb Counties; Atlanta Regional Commission; major issues involved in Chattahoochee River Plan--growth/development, conservation/environment, historic preservation, grant monies; Bruce McGregor; Randall Roark. ; Sweat was born in 1933 in Waycross, Georgia. He graduated from Georgia State College (later Georgia State University) in 1957 with a degree in public administration. He married his wife Tally in 1956, and they had three children and several grandchildren. Sweat covered the Fulton County courthouse for the Atlanta Journal while still in college. In 1957 he entered the Navy, where his commander allowed him to attend Seventh Fleet scheduling conferences. Sweat later returned to Atlanta, and the Journal, but later took at job as information director at DeKalb County. County Commission chairman Charles O. Emmerich took Sweat under his wing, but lost his reelection bid in 1964. Emmerich then took a job with Economic Opportunity Atlanta, a new federal anti-poverty program, and took Sweat with him. Sweat earned a reputation as a master at getting federal grants. Atlanta Mayor Ivan Allen, Jr. eventually offered Sweat a position at City Hall. Sweat took a job in 1966 as director of government liaison, charged with bringing as much federal money to Atlanta as possible. Eventually Allen promoted Sweat to chief administrative officer in August of 1969. Sweat kept the same job under Mayor Sam Massell, who succeeded Allen. He coordinated Atlanta's War on Poverty and Model Cities programs during his tenure at City Hall. Sweat also played a role in the naming of the first two black department heads in city government. Sweat left City Hall in late 1971, and early the next year took a job as executive director of the Atlanta Regional Commission. He was involved in establishing the Chattahoochee River Corridor, and helped the commission survive its initial court challenges. In 1973, Sweat became president of Central Atlanta Progress. In that role he represented downtown business interests, and gained the reputation as a major power broker in Atlanta. Sweat bridged the gap between new black political power at City Hall and the white downtown business establishment. He was involved in numerous high profile downtown projects, including the redevelopment of both Underground Atlanta and the Bedford Pines neighborhood. Sweat left CAP in 1988 and took a job with the CF Foundation, a philanthropic organization affiliated with developer Thomas G. Cousins. In 1991, former President Jimmy Carter appointed Sweat coordinator of the Atlanta Project. Sweat helped raise $14 million in his first year on the job. He left in 1995. These interviews were conducted during an illness that resulted in Sweat's death in 1997. His condition during the interviews had an impact on the content, length, and structure of the interviews.
In this paper, I examine the case for immigration restrictions by formulating and discussing three environmental objections to a justice-based argument for more open borders. The objection from the right to healthy environment claims that increased immigration to developed states will result in overpopulation and states must restrict immigration in order to respect the basic human right to a healthy environment. The objection from global environmental effects claims that restrictions on immigration are justified in order to limit the total output of greenhouse gases emitted by developed states. The objection from the global commons claims that a more open border regime threatens the feasibility of policies that seek to control the growth of population in developing countries. I argue that all three versions of the environmental challenge fail to establish their conclusions and that the case for more open borders cannot be counteracted on these grounds.
Durante muchos años la concepción acerca del concepto de Estado-Nación siempre estuvo amparado bajo una lectura etnocéntrica. Su punto de entrada en la historia, con la Revolución Francesa, y su primer intento de Estado republicano, dejó claro las intenciones de la nueva clase dirigente de construir una nación. Todo ello implicaba la construcción de una identidad común, pese al desconocimiento de otras identidades étnicas que fueron rápidamente sometidas bajo una cultura oficial y hegemónica. De esta manera, y a lo largo del siglo XIX y XX, se creyó que dicho proceso había sido exitoso. Empero, en las últimas décadas del siglo XX, la aparición de movimientos étnicos que reclaman el derecho a su propia identidad han puesto en cuestionamiento su homogeneidad cultural. ; During many years the Nation-State was mustly read from an ethnocentric perspective historically, it started with the French revolution and its firts attemp with the republic state clearly stated the intentions of new emer-gent elites to bring about a nation such process implied the construction of common identity, at the expense of the other ethnic identities the were largely subjected under an official and hegemonic culture. This is why throughout the XIX and XX centuries the Nation-State building project was regarded as a successful one. However, the last decades of the century the emergence of ethnic movements reclaiming their identity rights, have questioned the cultural homogeneity of the Nation-State.
A history of the activism that made public spaces in American cities more accessible to women. From the closing years of the nineteenth century, women received subtle-and not so subtle-messages that they shouldn't be in public. Or, if they were, that they were not safe. Breaking the Gender Code tells the story of both this danger narrative and the resistance to it. Historian Georgina Hickey investigates challenges to the code of urban gender segregation in the twentieth century, focusing on organized advocacy to make the public spaces of American cities accessible to women. She traces waves of activism from the Progressive Era, with its calls for public restrooms, safe and accessible transportation, and public accommodations, through and beyond second-wave feminism, and its focus on the creation of alternative, women-only spaces and extensive anti-violence efforts. In doing so, Hickey explores how gender segregation intertwined with other systems of social control, as well as how class, race, and sexuality shaped activists' agendas and women's experiences of urban space. Drawing connections between the vulnerability of women in public spaces, real and presumed, and contemporary debates surrounding rape culture, bathroom bills, and domestic violence, Hickey unveils both the strikingly successful and the incomplete initiatives of activists who worked to open up public space to women
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"But woe to him who is alone when he falls for he has no one to help him up." Ecclesiastes4:10. Human beings- man defined as the animal rationale, distinct us from other animal species in nothing but the additional attribute to reason. But the modern science proves that "men share all other properties with some species of animal kingdom-expect that the additional gift of 'reason', which makes man a more dangerous beast."(OnViolence, 62). But from the moment, humans began living together in communities, some of their members were forcibly expelled from those first towns and villages on ethnic, religious or other grounds. The practice of helping such people absconding became one of the earliest hallmarks of civilization. The world is beating a path to those refugee camps ever since. And in the twentieth century to systematize with these situations the international community took fundamental stride to codify the assistance. Since the SecondWorldWar each year, hundreds of thousands of people around the world are forced to move to uncertain places from their safe havens. The United Nations HighCommission for Refugee defines them as "A refugee is someone who has been forced to flee from his or her country because of persecution, war or violence." According to Hannah Arendt, an American-German philosopher, in her seminal essay "We Refugee" published in 1943 defines a refuge as a person driven to seek refugee because of some act committed or some political opinion held. But she also adds these people who had to seek refugee neither committed any acts nor most of them even dreamt of having any political opinion. We are all brought up in the conviction that life is the highest good and death the greatest trepidation but if we take a close look within the refugee camps, the lives hailing there, we come to know that they have lost the horror for death. Instead of fighting or thinking about how to fight back they have got used to wishing death to friends or relatives and if somebody dies, they cheerfully image all the trouble they have been saved from. As per the report of United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), in 2019, 70.8 million of people are displaced in our world fleeing war, persecution and conflict, at the end of 2018 2.3 million more were forcibly displaced. This is the highest number UN refugee agency has seen in its 70-year existence. Then there are the Internally Displaced People, who have left their homes but remain inside the country borders which numbers 41.9 million. Then there are children every second refugee is a child. These are not just number but souls in flight.
