Suchergebnisse

Trade poses risks and opportunities to public health nutrition. This paper discusses the potential food-related public health risks of a radical new kind of trade agreement: the Trans Pacific Partnership agreement (TPP). Under negotiation since 2010, the TPP involves Australia, Brunei, Canada, Chile, Japan, Malaysia, Mexico, New Zealand, Peru, Singapore, the USA, and Vietnam. Here, we review the international evidence on the relationships between trade agreements and diet-related health and, where available, documents and leaked text from the TPP negotiations. Similar to other recent bilateral or regional trade agreements, we find that the TPP would propose tariffs reductions, foreign investment liberalisation and intellectual property protection that extend beyond provisions in the multilateral World Trade Organization agreements. The TPP is also likely to include strong investor protections, introducing major changes to domestic regulatory regimes to enable greater industry involvement in policy making and new avenues for appeal. Transnational food corporations would be able to sue governments if they try to introduce health policies that food companies claim violate their privileges in the TPP; even the potential threat of litigation could greatly curb governments' ability to protect public health. Hence, we find that the TPP, emblematic of a new generation of 21st century trade policy, could potentially yield greater risks to health than prior trade agreements. Because the text of the TPP is secret until the countries involved commit to the agreement, it is essential for public health concerns to be articulated during the negotiation process. Unless the potential health consequences of each part of the text are fully examined and taken into account, and binding language is incorporated in the TPP to safeguard regulatory policy space for health, the TPP could be detrimental to public health nutrition. Health advocates and health-related policymakers must be proactive in their engagement with the trade negotiations.

OBJECTIVE: While there is urgent need for policymaking that prioritises health equity, successful strategies for advancing such an agenda across multiple policy sectors are not well known. This study aims to address this gap by identifying successful strategies to advance a health equity agenda across multiple policy domains. DESIGN: We conducted in-depth qualitative case studies in three important social determinants of health equity in Australia: employment and social policy (Paid Parental Leave); macroeconomics and trade policy (the Trans Pacific Partnership agreement); and welfare reform (the Northern Territory Emergency Response). The analysis triangulated multiple data sources included 71 semistructured interviews, document analysis and drew on political science theories related to interests, ideas and institutions. RESULTS: Within and across case studies we observed three key strategies used by policy actors to advance a health equity agenda, with differing levels of success. The first was the use of multiple policy frames to appeal to a wide range of actors beyond health. The second was the formation of broad coalitions beyond the health sector, in particular networking with non-traditional policy allies. The third was the use of strategic forum shopping by policy actors to move the debate into more popular policy forums that were not health focused. CONCLUSIONS: This analysis provides nuanced strategies for agenda-setting for health equity and points to the need for multiple persuasive issue frames, coalitions with unusual bedfellows, and shopping around for supportive institutions outside the traditional health domain. Use of these nuanced strategies could generate greater ideational, actor and institutional support for prioritising health equity and thus could lead to improved health outcomes.

The current economic recession has caused striking levels of unemployment, underemployment, and job insecurity globally. The International Labour Organization (ILO) estimated that the number of unemployed people was 212 million in 2009, and it projects the global unemployment rate in 2010 to be 6.5%, with a confidence interval ranging from 6.1% to 7%. In rich countries in the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development more than 57 million people, or 10%, are unemployed in 2010, the current unemployment rate in Spain is 20%, and in the United States the rate is around 10% using conservative estimates. The ILO has predicted that the impact of the economic crisis on vulnerable employment is likely to have increased the number of working poor—those living on $1.25 (£0.80; €0.90) a day—by 215 million workers between 2008 and 2009, and that in 2009 there were between 1.48 and 1.59 billion vulnerable workers worldwide. These developments will increase global health inequalities, and inequalities between social classes within countries, because unemployment and underemployment cluster among lower income countries and workers. In this article we explore the relation between unemployment, poor working conditions, and health, and argue that governments and public health agencies should recognise that fair employment conditions should be regarded as a human right.

The current economic recession has caused striking levels of unemployment, underemployment, and job insecurity globally. The International Labour Organization (ILO) estimated that the number of unemployed people was 212 million in 2009, and it projects the global unemployment rate in 2010 to be 6.5%, with a confidence interval ranging from 6.1% to 7%. In rich countries in the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development more than 57 million people, or 10%, are unemployed in 2010, the current unemployment rate in Spain is 20%, and in the United States the rate is around 10% using conservative estimates. The ILO has predicted that the impact of the economic crisis on vulnerable employment is likely to have increased the number of working poor—those living on $1.25 (£0.80; €0.90) a day—by 215 million workers between 2008 and 2009, and that in 2009 there were between 1.48 and 1.59 billion vulnerable workers worldwide. These developments will increase global health inequalities, and inequalities between social classes within countries, because unemployment and underemployment cluster among lower income countries and workers. In this article we explore the relation between unemployment, poor working conditions, and health, and argue that governments and public health agencies should recognise that fair employment conditions should be regarded as a human right.

Abstract
The intensification of efforts by state and nonstate actors to address issues affecting global health has produced a patchwork of transnational regulatory governance. Within this field, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) are expected to perform authoritative roles in holding business actors to account and enhance the democratic legitimacy of institutions via their participation in governance processes. While there exists a large body of conceptual and empirical research on global business regulation and private authority, we surprisingly know little about the governance functions of NGOs engaged in influencing the practices of corporations that produce health-harming commodities. This knowledge gap is especially pronounced in the issue area of noncommunicable diseases. This article begins to address this gap by mapping the networks of NGOs that engage in regulatory activities (rule-setting, monitoring, and enforcement) related to the (ultra)processed food and alcohol industries. We identify the networks of NGOs involved in global policy making across health, regulatory standards, and multistakeholder initiatives using nonstate actor submissions to consultations held by World Health Organization, UN Codex Alimentarius Commission (Codex), and the UN Global Compact. This paper examines NGO governance functions and their patterns of engagement and participation across institutional spheres. Overall, the article makes a twofold contribution to existing debates. First, we identify the governance functions through which NGOs attempt to hold corporations to account, contrasting their "watchdog" function with other governance functions. Second, we examine the representation of NGOs, highlighting asymmetries in participation of NGOs in the Global North and South.

Objective: The current short communication aimed to provide a new conceptualisation of the policy drivers of inequities in healthy eating and to make a call to action to begin populating this framework with evidence of actions that can be taken to reduce the inequities in healthy eating. Design: The Healthy and Equitable Eating (HE2) Framework derives from a systems-based analytical approach involving expert workshops. Setting: Australia. Subjects: Academics, government officials and non-government organisations in Australia. Results: The HE2 Framework extends previous conceptualisations of policy responses to healthy eating to include the social determinants of healthy eating and its social distribution, encompassing policy areas including housing, social protection, employment, education, transport, urban planning, plus the food system and environment. Conclusions: As the burden of non-communicable diseases continues to grow globally, it is important that governments, practitioners and researchers focus attention on the development and implementation of policies beyond the food system and environment that can address the social determinants of inequities in healthy eating. ; This research was supported by The Australian Prevention Partnership Centre through the National Health and Medical Research Council Partnership Centre grant scheme (grant number GNT9100001) with the Australian Government Department of Health, the NSW Ministry of Health, ACT Health and the HCF Research Foundation. At the time of the research, M.C. and E.M. were working for the NSW Ministry of Health and J.G. was working for the ACT Government, who are funders of The Australian Prevention Partnership Centre.

All three of the interacting aspects of daily urban life (physical environment, social conditions, and the added pressure of climate change) that affect health inequities are nested within the concept of urban governance, which has the task of understanding and managing the interactions among these different factors so that all three can be improved together and coherently. Governance is defined as: "the process of collective decision making and processes by which decisions are implemented or not implemented": it is concerned with the distribution, exercise, and consequences of power. Although there appears to be general agreement that the quality of governance is important for development, much less agreement appears to exist on what the concept really implies and how it should be used. Our review of the literature confirmed significant variation in meaning as well as in the practice of urban governance arrangements. The review found that the linkage between governance practices and health equity is under-researched and/or has been neglected. Reconnecting the fields of urban planning, social sciences, and public health are essential "not only for improving local governance, but also for understanding and addressing global political change" for enhanced urban health equity. Social mobilization, empowering governance, and improved knowledge for sustainable and equitable development in urban settings is urgently needed. A set of strategic research questions are suggested.

All three of the interacting aspects of daily urban life (physical environment, social conditions, and the added pressure of climate change) that affect health inequities are nested within the concept of urban governance, which has the task of understanding and managing the interactions among these different factors so that all three can be improved together and coherently. Governance is defined as: "the process of collective decision making and processes by which decisions are implemented or not implemented": it is concerned with the distribution, exercise, and consequences of power. Although there appears to be general agreement that the quality of governance is important for development, much less agreement appears to exist on what the concept really implies and how it should be used. Our review of the literature confirmed significant variation in meaning as well as in the practice of urban governance arrangements. The review found that the linkage between governance practices and health equity is under-researched and/or has been neglected. Reconnecting the fields of urban planning, social sciences, and public health are essential "not only for improving local governance, but also for understanding and addressing global political change" for enhanced urban health equity. Social mobilization, empowering governance, and improved knowledge for sustainable and equitable development in urban settings is urgently needed. A set of strategic research questions are suggested.

All three of the interacting aspects of daily urban life (physical environment, social conditions, and the added pressure of climate change) that affect health inequities are nested within the concept of urban governance, which has the task of understanding and managing the interactions among these different factors so that all three can be improved together and coherently. Governance is defined as: "the process of collective decision making and processes by which decisions are implemented or not implemented": it is concerned with the distribution, exercise, and consequences of power. Although there appears to be general agreement that the quality of governance is important for development, much less agreement appears to exist on what the concept really implies and how it should be used. Our review of the literature confirmed significant variation in meaning as well as in the practice of urban governance arrangements. The review found that the linkage between governance practices and health equity is under-researched and/or has been neglected. Reconnecting the fields of urban planning, social sciences, and public health are essential "not only for improving local governance, but also for understanding and addressing global political change" for enhanced urban health equity. Social mobilization, empowering governance, and improved knowledge for sustainable and equitable development in urban settings is urgently needed. A set of strategic research questions are suggested.

The process of urbanization entails social improvements with the consequential better quality-of-life for urban residents. However, in many low-income and some middle-income countries, urbanization conveys inequality and exclusion, creating cities and dwellings characterized by poverty, overcrowded conditions, poor housing, severe pollution, and absence of basic services such as water and sanitation. Slums in large cities often have an absence of schools, transportation, health centers, recreational facilities, and other such amenities. Additionally, the persistence of certain conditions, such as poverty, ethnic heterogeneity, and high population turnover, contributes to a lowered ability of individuals and communities to control crime, vandalism, and violence. The social vulnerability in health is not a "natural" or predefined condition but occurs because of the unequal social context that surrounds the daily life of the disadvantaged, and often, socially excluded groups. Social exclusion of individuals and groups is a major threat to development, whether to the community social cohesion and economic prosperity or to the individual self-realization through lack of recognition and acceptance, powerlessness, economic vulnerability, ill health, diminished life experiences, and limited life prospects. In contrast, social inclusion is seen to be vital to the material, psychosocial, and political aspects of empowerment that underpin social well-being and equitable health. Successful experiences of cooperation and networking between slum-based organizations, grassroots groups, local and international NGOs, and city government are important mechanisms that can be replicated in urban settings of different low- and middle-income countries. With increasing urbanization, it is imperative to design health programs for the urban poor that take full advantage of the social resources and resourcefulness of their own communities. ; This work was made possible through funding provided by the Rockefeller Foundation and undertaken as a contribution to the Global Research Network on Urban Health Equity.

The process of urbanization entails social improvements with the consequential better quality-of-life for urban residents. However, in many low-income and some middle-income countries, urbanization conveys inequality and exclusion, creating cities and dwellings characterized by poverty, overcrowded conditions, poor housing, severe pollution, and absence of basic services such as water and sanitation. Slums in large cities often have an absence of schools, transportation, health centers, recreational facilities, and other such amenities. Additionally, the persistence of certain conditions, such as poverty, ethnic heterogeneity, and high population turnover, contributes to a lowered ability of individuals and communities to control crime, vandalism, and violence. The social vulnerability in health is not a "natural" or predefined condition but occurs because of the unequal social context that surrounds the daily life of the disadvantaged, and often, socially excluded groups. Social exclusion of individuals and groups is a major threat to development, whether to the community social cohesion and economic prosperity or to the individual self-realization through lack of recognition and acceptance, powerlessness, economic vulnerability, ill health, diminished life experiences, and limited life prospects. In contrast, social inclusion is seen to be vital to the material, psychosocial, and political aspects of empowerment that underpin social well-being and equitable health. Successful experiences of cooperation and networking between slum-based organizations, grassroots groups, local and international NGOs, and city government are important mechanisms that can be replicated in urban settings of different low- and middle-income countries. With increasing urbanization, it is imperative to design health programs for the urban poor that take full advantage of the social resources and resourcefulness of their own communities. ; This work was made possible through funding provided by the Rockefeller Foundation and undertaken as a contribution to the Global Research Network on Urban Health Equity.

The process of urbanization entails social improvements with the consequential better quality-of-life for urban residents. However, in many low-income and some middle-income countries, urbanization conveys inequality and exclusion, creating cities and dwellings characterized by poverty, overcrowded conditions, poor housing, severe pollution, and absence of basic services such as water and sanitation. Slums in large cities often have an absence of schools, transportation, health centers, recreational facilities, and other such amenities. Additionally, the persistence of certain conditions, such as poverty, ethnic heterogeneity, and high population turnover, contributes to a lowered ability of individuals and communities to control crime, vandalism, and violence. The social vulnerability in health is not a "natural" or predefined condition but occurs because of the unequal social context that surrounds the daily life of the disadvantaged, and often, socially excluded groups. Social exclusion of individuals and groups is a major threat to development, whether to the community social cohesion and economic prosperity or to the individual self-realization through lack of recognition and acceptance, powerlessness, economic vulnerability, ill health, diminished life experiences, and limited life prospects. In contrast, social inclusion is seen to be vital to the material, psychosocial, and political aspects of empowerment that underpin social well-being and equitable health. Successful experiences of cooperation and networking between slum-based organizations, grassroots groups, local and international NGOs, and city government are important mechanisms that can be replicated in urban settings of different low- and middle-income countries. With increasing urbanization, it is imperative to design health programs for the urban poor that take full advantage of the social resources and resourcefulness of their own communities.

Background:Insufficient progress has been made towards reducing health inequities, due in part to a lack of action on the root causes of health inequities. At present, there is a limited evidence base to guide policy decision making in this space.
Key points for discussion:This paper proposes new principles for researchers to conduct health equity policy evaluation. Four key principles are presented: (1) where to evaluate – shifting from familiar to unfamiliar terrain; (2) who to evaluate – shifting from structures of vulnerability to structures of privilege; (3) what to evaluate – shifting from simple figures to complex constructs; and (4) how to evaluate – shifting from 'gold standard' to more appropriate 'fit-for-purpose' designs. These four principles translate to modifying the policy domains investigated, the populations targeted, the indicators selected, and the methods employed during health equity policy evaluation. The development and implementation of these principles over a five-year programme of work is demonstrated through case studies which reflect the principles in practice.
Conclusions and implications:The principles are shared to encourage other researchers to develop evaluation designs of sufficient complexity that they can advance the contribution of health equity policy evaluation to structural policy reforms. As a result, policies and actions on the social determinants of health might be better oriented to achieve the redistribution of power and resources needed to address the root causes of health inequities.

The commercial determinants of health (CDoH) describe the adverse health effects associated with for-profit actors and their actions. Despite efforts to advance the definition, conceptualization, and empirical analyses of CDoH, the term's practical application to mitigate these effects requires the capacity to measure the influences of specific components of CDoH and the cumulative impacts of CDoH on the health and well-being of specific populations. Building on the Global Burden of Disease Study, we begin by conceptualizing CDoH as risk factor exposures that span agency and structural influences. We identify 6 components of these influences and propose an initial set of indicators and datasets to rank exposures as high, medium, or low. These are combined into a commercial determinants of health index (CDoHi) and illustrated by 3 countries. Although now a proof of concept, comparative analysis of CDoH exposures by population, over time and space, and their associated health outcomes will become possible with further development of indicators and datasets. Expansion of the CDoHi and application to varied populations groups will enable finer targeting of interventions to reduce health harms. The measurement of improvements to health and wellness from such interventions will, in turn, inform overall efforts to address the CDoH.