Suchergebnisse

Los presidios españoles en el norte de áfrica han sido a menudo tratados como unidades geográficas sin relación directa o clara con el conjunto de la política imperial. Utilizando el tema de las fortificaciones como clave para pensar las relaciones entre la plaza fuerte de Orán y su entorno geo-político se intenta demostrar que se debe insertar el espacio magrebí dentro de la reflexión sobre los desafíos a los que se enfrentó el imperio hispánico y, por lo tanto, como una de las zonas en las que se desarrolló un pensamiento estratégico defensivo plasmado en baluartes, castillos y ciudadelas. Este trabajo se concentra en el análisis que va de 1739 a 1746, el momento más crítico de la guerra con Gran Bretaña. Spanish garrisons in northern Africa have often been treated as geographical entities without a clear and direct link to the entirety of Imperial politics. By using fortresses as a key element to reflect on the relations between the stronghold of Oran and its geo-political setting, this paper aims to show that the Maghrebi area should be included in any consideration of the challenges that the Spanish Empire had to face. Consequently, the Maghreb should be regarded as one of the areas in which strategic defensive thinking was developed and physically manifested in bastions, castles and citadels. The analysis focuses on the period between 1739 and 1746, the most critical time in the war with Great Britain. ; ESCI ; 0,115 ; Q2 ; D5 ; ERIH PLUS

The public authorities set up a patchwork of relationships determining the standard circuit of adoption and enforcement of public decision, designed to operate within a given institutional framework, in a subsided political climate, and according to strict procedures. Yet, whether we seek to prevent a crisis or it already occured, the crisis, in its own self, questions the efficiency of public decision and even calls the logical sequencing of the various partaking elements into question. The current thesis aims at unvealing what should be the determining factors for public action facing a crisis, through the study of the laws of human action and their permanent and variable features. ; Conçus pour fonctionner au sein d'un cadre institutionnel donné, dans un climat politique apaisé et suivant des procédures arrêtées, les pouvoirs publics dessinent entre eux une architecture de relations qui détermine ce qui est le circuit normal d'adoption puis d'exécution de la décision publique. Or, soit que l'on cherche à la prévenir, soit qu'elle soit survenue, la crise par sa nature même, interroge sur l'efficience de la décision publique qui a été prise, voire remet en cause de manière radicale tout l'ordonnancement logique des différents organes et éléments ayant participé à la produire. La présente thèse se donne donc pour objet, par une quête de connaissance des lois de l'action humaine, de leurs constantes et de leurs variables, permettant d'aboutir à des conclusions opératoires, de révéler ce que devraient être les déterminants de l'action publique face à la crise.

Статья посвящена проблеме этнической идентичности в современном глобализирующемся мире. Авторы считают, что проблема этнической идентичности всегда была и продолжает оставаться актуальной. Как социальное явление этническая идентичность проявляет себя особенно выразительно в условиях социально-экономической и политической нестабильности в форме межэтнической напряженности. Сущность межэтнической напряженности заключается в том, что личность начинает демонстрировать определенную степень интолерантности к представителям других этносов и народностей. В статье указывается, что намеренно создаваемая межэтническая напряженность используется «этническими антрепренерами» для решения своих корыстных целей. Исходя из этого, авторы предлагают использовать стандартную методику для диагностики этнической идентичности в студенческих группах и проводить соответствующую коррекционную учебно-воспитательную работу по формированию этнокультурной толерантности. ; The article deals with the problem of ethnic identity in a modern globalized world. The authors believe that the issue of ethnic identity has always been and continues to be important. As a social phenomenon ethnic identity manifests itself particularly expressively in terms of socio-economic and political instability in the form of inter-ethnic tension. The essence of ethnic tension is that the individual begins to demonstrate a certain degree of intolerance towards people of other ethnic groups and nationalities. The article states that the intentional creation of ethnic tensions is used by «ethnic entrepreneurs» to solve their own selfish purposes. Based on this presumption the authors suggest using the standard methodology for the diagnosis of ethnic identity in students groups and performing appropriate corrective educational work aimed at forming ethnic and cultural tolerance.

В статье показано, как в трудах самарского историка Л. М. Артамоновой раскрывается воздействие преобразований в области народного просвещения на культуру провин-циальной России XVIII-XX вв. на примере учебных заведений в городах и селах на Средней Волге. С другой стороны, «взгляд из провинции» позволяет увидеть заново или в новом свете результаты образовательных реформ в плане общероссийской мо-дернизации. Учителя сыграли важную роль в формировании местной интеллигенции, в становлении не только образования, но и научного изучения родного края. Школы разного уровня активно реагировали на новые веяния и общественно-политические события, происходившие в России. При создании и функционировании образователь-ных учреждений проявлялись механизмы взаимодействия власти и общества, харак-терные для различных периодов. ; The article shows how the works of the historian L. M. Artamonova from Samara reveals the impact changes in the field of public education and culture of provincial Russia in the 18-20-th centuries on the example of educational institutions in the cities and villages at Central Volga. "The look from the province" allows to see in a new light results of educational reforms in respect of the all-Russian modernization. Teachers played an important role in formation of the local intellectuals, not only in education, but also in scientific studying of the native land. Schools of different level actively reacted to the new trends and political events in Russia. The mechanisms of interaction of the power and society, characteristic for various periods, were shown at creation and functioning of educational institutions

Desde la llegada al trono de la dinastía Trastámara los diferentes monarcas castellanos llevaron a cabo una serie de actuaciones respecto a las órdenes religiosas. Durante los primeros años, éstas estuvieron dirigidas, en su mayoría, a la orden franciscana, a lo que habría que sumar la introducción en Castilla de la orden de la Cartuja y las primeras fundaciones jerónimas. Sin embargo, las reinas Beatriz de Portugal y Catalina de Lancaster, junto al infante Fernando de Antequera, fueron los protagonistas del cambio devocional que se produjo en Castilla y que alcanzó su cénit al alcanzar la mayoría de edad Juan II. Desde finales del siglo XIV vieron la luz una serie de fundaciones dominicas y se reformaron algunos conventos por parte de estos personajes; de manera progresiva, comenzaron a confiar en los frailes de esta orden diferentes cometidos espirituales, sociales y políticos. ; Following the rise of the Trastámaran dynasty, Castilian kings took several actions concerning religious orders. In the early years, these were mostly directed at the Franciscan Order. In addition, the Carthusian order was established in the kingdom and the first Hieronymite monasteries were founded. Nevertheless, Queens Beatriz of Portugal and Catherine of Lancaster, together with the prince Ferdinand of Antequera, played a leading role in the devotional change which occurred in Castile and reached its zenith when John II came of age. From the late fourteenth century onwards, they founded several Dominican friaries and gradually began to entrust these monks with spiritual, social and political missions.

En este trabajo nos planteamos la conjunción de tres cuestiones que, también por separado, tienen un notable interés académico tanto desde las investigaciones y estudios cinematográficos como desde los historiográficos. En primer lugar, la consideración del protagonismo de las mujeres en sucesos del pasado, es decir, la mujer como sujeto histórico y, al mismo tiempo, como sujeto cinematográfico; en segundo lugar, la cárcel como espacio de interés histórico (social, político) en cuanto "lugar de memoria"; y en tercer lugar, la aproximación a obras de un ciclo tan poco cultivado por el cine español como las películas con historias y representaciones que mayoritariamente transcurren en cárceles: el cine penitenciario. La conjunción de estas tres perspectivas tiene lugar en una breve pero significativa filmografía que es nuestro objeto de estudio. ; In this paper we consider the combination of three issues, which also separately, have a significant interest from both academic research and film studios as from the historiographical studies. First, consideration of the role of women in past events, i.e. women as historical subject and, at the same time as a film subject; secondly, prison as a space of historical interest (social, political) as "place of memory"; and thirdly, the approach to works of a cycle scarcely cultivated by Spanish film and movies such as stories and performances that mostly take place in prisons: the prison film. The combination of these three perspectives takes place in a short but significant filmography that is our object of study.

A number of inscriptions from the Tetrarchic period indicate that various Mithraic communities received the patronage of governors, duces and even the emperors themselves. Such support for a so-called mystery cult is striking given that in other cases the imperial government failed to restore the temples of more traditional cults that had fallen into decay. In this paper I will demonstrate that such anomalous building activity associated with mithraea is evident in proceeding generations, for while the construction and repair of temples generally declined significantly in the third century mithraea continued to be erected and maintained unabated throughout this period. I then go on to argue that there is evidence to indicate Mithraic congregations took the conscious decision to divide upon reaching a certain number followers, hence why newly constructed mithraea continued to remain small in size and are often to be found in close proximity to pre-existing mithraea. By applying sociological theory, it is clear that such circumstances provided the ideal situation in which to foster a particularly high level of commitment among the Mithraists, thus making them willing to continue contributing to the construction and repair of mithraea even when resources became scarce, while other cults that had a popular, but less committed following, saw their temples fall into disrepair. When the imperial government provided for support for various Mithraic communities in the Tetrarchic period this was not due to any religious reasons, but rather as a political move designed to channel this commitment into support for their own rule.

Pašvaldības dome ir publisko tiesību juridiskās personas lēmējvara, kuras tiesiskais statuss līdz šim juridiskājā literatūrā un zinātnē ir pētīts maz. Pašvaldības dome ir vietējas pašvaldības vara, kuras pamata pienākums ir vietējās teritorijas teritorijas iedzīvotāju interešu nodrošināšana, tāpēc pamatoti ir pētīt domes tiesību aktos noteikto pilnvarojuma apjomu un darbības problemātiskos aspektus. Šā darba mērķis ir izpētīt pašvaldības domes statusu, pašvaldības komptetenču nošķiršanu, lēmējvaras un izpildvaras tiesisko regulējumu un identificēt problemātiskos aspektus domes darbībā, kā arī analizēt, kā spēkā esošie normatīvie akti regulē pašvaldības domes juridisko atbildību un politisko atbildību. Atslēgvārdi: pašvaldība, lēmējvara, dome, kompetences, juridiskā atbildība, domes statuss. ; The council og local government is a legal person governed by public law authority, whose legal status to this legal literature and science has been studied enough. The council of local government has the local municipality, the basis of which it is the duty of the interests, of the rezidents, of the territory, of the local area, to study the council is therefore rightly laid down by the law of the mandate and the problematic aspects. The goal of this work is to investigate the status of the local government council, local competence separating the decision-making and executive legal regulation and to identify problematic aspects of the City Council activities, as well as to analyse the existing regulatory enactments shall regulate the legal responsibility of the local government city council and political responsibility. Keywords: the local government authority, council, competence, legal liability, the council legal status.

International audience ; The rapid Arab-Islamic conquest during the early Middle Ages led to major political and cultural changes in the Mediterranean world. Although the early medieval Muslim presence in the Iberian Peninsula is now well documented, based in the evaluation of archeological and historical sources, the Muslim expansion in the area north of the Pyrenees has only been documented so far through textual sources or rare archaeological data. Our study provides the first archaeo-anthropological testimony of the Muslim establishment in South of France through the multidisciplinary analysis of three graves excavated at Nimes. First, we argue in favor of burials that followed Islamic rites and then note the presence of a community practicing Muslim traditions in Nimes. Second, the radiometric dates obtained from all three human skeletons (between the 7th and the 9th centuries AD) echo historical sources documenting an early Muslim presence in southern Gaul (i.e., the first half of 8th century AD). Finally, palaeogenomic analyses conducted on the human remains provide arguments in favor of a North African ancestry of the three individuals, at least considering the paternal lineages. Given all of these data, we propose that the skeletons from the Nimes burials belonged to Berbers integrated into the Umayyad army during the Arab expansion in North Africa. Our discovery not only discusses the first anthropological and genetic data concerning the Muslim occupation of the Visigothic territory of Septimania but also highlights the complexity of the relationship between the two communities during this period.

The article states that ideologisms are certain elements of an ideology which, by manifesting the political culture of society, fill it with a specific ethnical content. Ideologisms are embodied in myths, legends, traditions, collective conceptions, propaganda narratives, typical social illusions, etc. They represent the historical experience of the people, and, in the first place, render their geopolitical, crathological, militaristic aspirations in the context of their own ideological views and attitudes to other ethnic and cultural communities. Totalitarian ideologisms express a destructive subject-object attitude of certain society (the state) to large out-groups in terms of their usefulness for its own interests and are typical of totalitarian societies. Constructive ideologisms are based on the culture of tolerance and respect for the dignity of others; they are an example of a subject-subject attitude which is inherent in a democratic society. ; Artykuł stanowi o tym, że ideologizmy są pewnymi specyficznymi elementami ideologii, które przejawiają kulturę polityczną społeczeństwa, wypełniają ją konkretną treścią etniczną. Ideologizmy zawarte są w mitach, legendach, tradycjach, przedstawieniach zbiorowych, narracjach propagandowych, typowych złudzeniach społecznych itd. Reprezentują one historyczne doświadczenia pierwszych ludzi i wyrażają ich geopolityczne, władcze, militarystyczne aspiracje w kontekście własnych ideologicznych poglądów i nastawień do innych grup etnicznych i kulturowych. Totalitarna ideologia reprezentuje destrukcyjną postawę podmiot – przedmiot pewnego społeczeństwa (państwa) do dużych grup, obcych, pod kątem ich przydatności dla własnych interesów; są one typowe dla społeczeństw totalitarnych. Konstruktywna ideologia jest oparta na kulturze, tolerancji i szacunku dla godności innych. Jest ona przykładem postawy subiektywnej, charakterystycznej dla społeczeństwa demokratycznego.

La cuestión rural constituye uno de los grandes desafíos para la institucionalidad en Colombia. La discusión respecto a la eficiencia y eficacia institucional para el sector rural debe adelantarse fundamentada en aspectos coyunturales que a su vez median en la dinámica social, política, cultural, ambiental, económica y productiva en el agro colombiano, entre los cuales se incluyen los tratados comerciales y un eventual posconflicto. La nueva ruralidad, como enfoque para el desarrollo rural, plantea una visión distinta en torno a la temática: concibe lo rural como un espacio multisectorial y multidimensional, lo cual constituye el punto de partida desde el cual surgen los elementos de análisis que permiten adelantar un debate institucional amplio y participativo de cara a la transformación estructural de la realidad rural. ; The rural question is one of the great challenges for institutions in Colombia. The discussion regarding institutional efficiency and effectiveness for the rural sector should be brought forward based on circumstantial aspects that in turn mediate social the social, political, cultural, environmental, economic and productive in the Colombian agriculture, including trade agreements and post-conflict eventually included. The new rurality as an approach to rural development poses a different view about the subject, conceives the rural thing as a multisectorial and multidimensional space, which is the starting point from which arise the elements of analysis that allow advance an institutional debate broad and participatory facing the structural transformation of the rural reality.

The Cuban (post)-Soviet diaspora is the human collective comprising the persons coming from the territories of the (former) Soviet Union, who immigrated to Cuba and nowadays live in this Archipelago – as well as their descendants. This migration occurred during the period of close ties between Cuba and the USSR, that is, 1960–91. Compared with the other overseas ethnic communities now living in Cuba, the (post)-Soviet diaspora is the largest one, surpassed only by the Spanish immigration, which – however – is not usually perceived by Cubans as a diaspora, because Spain is a major contributor to the 'mainstream' Cuban culture. So, the (post)-Soviet diaspora may legitimately be considered as the largest 'clearly foreign' human contribution to the Cuban population in recent times. The most important character of this collectivity is that its first generation (i.e., the immigrants from the [post]Soviet countries) is overwhelmingly female, constituted by women from the USSR who in the period between ca. 1961 and ca. 1991 married to Cuban students affiliated to Soviet government's scholarship programmes. This 'romantic' stance makes this diaspora very unusual when compared with the standard causes making people migrate. The numeric strength of the (post)-Soviet diaspora contrasts with its very low visibility in the Cuban cultural, media and academic discourse, especially comparing with that of the relatively minor – in the numeric sense – diasporic constituents of the Cuban population: the Chinese, Arab, Jewish, etc. We analyse the main demographic, gender, ethnographic, historical, cultural and political aspects of the (post)-Soviet diaspora in Cuba.

Las relaciones entre Madrid y Roma en la primera mitad del siglo XVII se han analizado, normalmente, en función de una serie de condicionantes coyunturales o personales. En el presente artículo pretendemos trascender esta interpretación mostrando cómo las peculiares características de la nunciatura madrileña y la inexistencia de un concordato, dos elementos que diferenciaban el espacio hispánico del de otros estados, imprimían a dichas relaciones una carácter de conflicto latente que afloraba con mayor o menor fuerza en función de otros condicionantes sobrevenidos. Centrándonos en los años previos a la protesta de Borja y al envío de la embajada extraordinaria de Chumacero y Pimentel, intentamos mostrar de qué forma el poder político intentó enfrentar esta situación, siendo consciente de sus riesgos y posibilidades. ; Relations between Madrid and Rome in the first half of the seventeenth century have been analyzed, usually, based on a series of circumstantial or personal constraints. In this article we would like transcend this interpretation showing how, the peculiar characteristics of the Spanish nunciature and the absence of a concordat, two elements that distinguished the Hispanic World of other states, granted to these relations a latent conflict character. This surfaced, more or lower force, versus other supervening conditions. Focusing on the years before the Borja's protest and the sending of the Chumacero and Pimentel extraordinary embassy, we try to show how political power tried to address this situation, being aware of its risks and possibilities.

During the eighteenth century Europe set the cultural, political and economic conditions for its entry in the industrial era. While the role of international trade has been for a long time considered as a minor factor in the industrial revolution, the focus of economic history has changed somewhat during the last two decades. The emergence of a global perspective in economic history has led prominent scholars to accountfor the important role of international trade in the rise of Europe over other world regions 5 But whereas extra-European trade is comparatively well known and has been the object of recent syntheses,6intra-European trade has largely been neglected. The scarcity of works on foreign trade statistics of preindustrial times is all the more unfortunate as external trade flows arethe single economic data that (some) early modern states have collected with the most care. Indeed, the first attempts at measuring foreign trade regularly can be dated back to the seventeenth century. From 1696 on, the English crown was able to collect a continuous series of customs data and release a yearly evaluation of the English balance of trade. The French royal administration created the Bureau de la balance du commercein 1713. Its task was to produce a yearly document that detailed the French external trade and calculated its general balance. There was a pan European move towards a more extensive and better measurement ofexternal trade throughout the eighteenth century, with various countries gathering the same data through their central administrations.

Within the emergence of migrant activism, the experience of UndocuQueers developed in San Francisco from 2011 challenges common assumption about practices in migrant movements through the intersections between queer and migrant claims. In order to understand their peculiarities, I will first analyse some of the salient characters of UndocuQueer activism. Then, I will focus on the web-series "Undocumented and awkward", in order to discuss the intersectionalities proposed by the movement. In the third part, I will discuss how the series may be framed as examples of groundbreaking practices of citizenship. I will finally argue that UndocuQueer movement and its cultural production offer a ground-breaking example of political practices of rights and propose a promising perspective for a critical engagement with citizenship issues. ; No contexto da emergência do activismo migrante, a experiência do UndocuQueers, nascida em San Francisco em 2011, desafia ideias comuns sobre práticas de movimentos migrantes, através das intersecções entre reivindicações queer e migrantes. Para compreender estas peculiaridades, neste artigo procuro em primeiro lugar analisar algumas das características mais relevantes do activismo UndocuQueer. De seguida, concentrome na série online "Undocumented and awkward" ("Sem documentos e estranho"), de modo a discutir as interseccionalidades propostas pelo movimento. Na terceira parte, proponho-me a analisar a série enquanto exemplo de práticas inovadoras de cidadania. Finalmente, discuto como o movimento UndocuQueer e a sua produção cultural oferece um exemplo original de práticas políticas de direitos e propõnho uma perspectiva promissora para um engajamento crítico com questões de cidadania.