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We test the hypotheses that fundamental characteristics in regional proximity, landlockedness, religious‐domination, legal origin, and income levels affect cross‐country differences in the persistence in political terror and political instability in 163 countries for the period 2010–2015. The empirical evidence is based on generalised method of moments. The hypotheses are that the following are associated with comparatively higher levels of persistence in political terror and political instability: regions with predominantly low income countries (Hypothesis 1); landlockedness (Hypothesis 2); Christian‐orientation (Hypothesis 3); French civil law (Hypothesis 4); and Low income (Hypothesis 5). The tested hypotheses are largely invalid. Only Hypotheses 5 and 2 are robustly investigated in the light of concerns about instrument proliferation. Hypothesis 2 is valid for political terror but not for political instability while Hypothesis 5 is neither valid for political instability nor for political terror.

The presentation includes some of basic principles which take into account that politics, economics and law are very much interrelated to each other. The second part highlights the legal and political challenges of the new Istanbul airport. ; Sunum, siyasetin, ekonominin ve hukukun birbirleri ile çok ilişkili olduğunu hesaba katan bazı temel prensipleri içermekteydi.İkinci bölüm, yeni İstanbul havalimanının yasal ve siyası zorluklarının altını çizmekteydi.

In his classic book, Human Nature in Politics, published in 1908, Graham Wallas said: "We must aim at finding as many relevant and measurable facts about human nature as possible, and we must attempt to make all of them serviceable in political reasoning." While the point of view which Wallas expressed at that time has by no means been universally accepted, and is today challenged by men like Charles A. Beard, certain steps have been taken toward its recognition.Wallas was particularly impressed by the successful use of quantitative methods made by the economists, and well he might be. To mention a single case, the work of F. Y. Edgeworth, in the measurement of utility, the algebraical or diagrammatic determination of economic equilibriums, and the application of the theory of probability to sampling and in the measurement of economic value or index numbers, showed the trend of the times in economics. The twentieth century has marked an acceleration of this trend. Political scientists have not only lagged far behind the economists in the use of statistics, but they have shown important resistance in some sections to following in this general direction. What is the explanation of this situation?

"This paper reviews research on the role of communication in political socialization. Starting from a basic definition the impact of different agents (family, peers, school, mass media) and communicative processes (interpersonal vs. mass communication) on various outcomes of political socialization (i.e. political knowledge, norms and values, attitudes, participation) is discussed. It is argued that research has amply demonstrated the role of media and communication as agents of socialization. However, the paper highlights that changes in parental generations, the media landscape, and in adolescents themselves provide good reason to revisit questions of how communication impacts how adolescents develop into citizens in democratic societies. Finally, the chapter addresses several aspects that researchers should consider in their future work on political socialization." (publisher's description).

Defence date: 28 January 2019 ; Examining Board: Prof. Andrea Ichino, EUI, Supervisor; Prof. Andrea Mattozzi, EUI; Prof. Selim Güleşçi, Università Bocconi; Prof. Stefano Gagliarducci, Università di Roma Tor Vergata. ; This thesis is a collection of independent empirical essays on gender and political economy. The first chapter investigates the effect of a pro-Islamist local government on female employment, using a unique dataset of civil servants in Turkish municipalities. Exploiting quasirandom variation in contested local elections and the time variation in the repeal of the headscarf ban, I establish two results. First, an Islamist mayor employs a lower share of females when religious women are denied jobs. Second, an Islamist mayor does not recruit females differently than a secular mayor, when institutions allow religious females to work. The proposed mechanism is the Islamist mayors' preference for religious female employees, rather than intrinsic gender bias. The second chapter, co-authored with Marco Francesconi and Astrid Kunze, investigates labor demand effects of the extension of parental leave duration in Norway. We focus on whether and how firms adjust the gender composition of their workforce when the opportunity costs of certain types of workers rise. Using rich employer-employee data, we uncover that firms substitute potential mothers and fathers with older workers. Our results demonstrate potentially undesirable consequences of parental leave for women, even when some leave is provided for men. In the third chapter, co-authored with Fatih Serkant Adıg¨uzel and Aslı Cansunar, we consider the extent to which the geography of healthcare provision is effective in buying electoral votes. We construct a unique database of free primary healthcare clinics in Istanbul, Turkey. We estimate that a ten-minute decrease in walking time to the nearest clinic increases support for the incumbent party by 6 percentage points in local elections. While low-educated voters only care about visibility, highly-educated voters only value quality of healthcare. We argue that the spatial distribution of public service provision captures the information available to voters, which in turn, influences political outcomes. ; --1 Headscarves and Female Employment --2 Parental Leave from the Firm's Perspective (Chapter 2: co-authored Marco Francesconi and Astrid Kunze) --3 Out of Sight, Out of Mind? Proximity to Health Care and Electoral Outcomes (Chapter 3: co-authored Serkant Adıgüzel and Aslı Cansunar) --A Appendix

This volume consists of many of Lacordaire's writings on social and political issues, many of which have been out of print for a long time and some of which appeared in this volume, when originally published, for the time in English. The central theme of the book is that the Christian solution of all the great social and political problems is liberal and democratic, Christian doctrine being based on the equality of souls. It argues that Christian fraternal charity is a stronger force than mere humanitarian brotherhood or political socialism.

Über die Ziele und die Methoden der politischen Bildung besteht heute weitgehend Konsens. Kontrovers bleibt jedoch die Frage, wie aktives politischen Handeln bzw. Engagement von Jugendlichengefördert werden kann. Der vorliegende Beitrag geht von der Unterscheidung zwischen "demokratischem Verhalten" und "politischem Handeln" aus, um dem "Irrtum" zu begegnen, dass eine hinlängliche politischeBildung Jugendlicher zwangsläufig zu zivilgesellschaftlichem Engagement führt. Die Autoren konstatieren hier die "Ironie" und das "Paradox" jeglichen erzieherischen Bemühens (und damit auch der politischen Bildung), dass der Schüler "von sich aus - also freiwillig - sich engagieren soll". Thematisiert wird damit ein "Tabu" der politischen Erziehung bzw. Bildung, dass die "seltene Pflanze der Freiheit nicht in einem sorgsam eingehegten Topf wachsen kann". Pädagogisch kultivieren lässt sich ein Ethos demokratischen Verhaltens, jedoch nicht das "freiwillige" politische Engagement. (ICA).;;;This paper focuses on the distinction between "democratic behaviour" and "political action". It maintains that educators should admit that people cannot be trained to practice freedom and that such an admission would constitute a long overdue dispersion of a tenacious pedagogical taboo (DIPF/orig.).

Classical political philosophy does not claim to be superior to philosophy nor to revelation. Political philosophy is the highest of the practical sciences, itself a unique and legitimate source of specific knowledge that would limit politics to be politics. For the things beyond politics to be free to be confronted in their own nonpolitical order, the polity must itself be constructed in such a way as not to kill its saints or philosophers. Traditionally, theology has been its own science, not the queen of the practical sciences, but the queen of the sciences. This meant that theology, as an articulated statement of revelation, performed a needed check when politics itself became a substitute metaphysics. Since so much theology is itself modeled on the ideologies of modernity, classical political philosophy serves a double purpose, not only to limit the city to its own area, but to restrain those theologies based on modern ideologies. Thus political philosophy serves to allow revelation to be itself.

Abstract.A comprehensive review of the crime literature indicates varying and often opposing hypotheses of relationships between property crime and socioeconomic conditions such as poverty, business cycle conditions, demographics, criminal justice system actions, and family structure. Employing measures of each of the hypothesized factors, time‐series models for robbery, burglary, and vehicle theft are estimated from yearly and national Uniform Crime Report (UCR) data for the period 1959 through 1992 and are used to test these hypotheses' current empirical relevance. The empirical findings selectively confirm the importance of macroeconomic stability and criminal justice system actions in reducing property crime activity. In contrast, decreases in absolute poverty and general income inequality are associated with increased criminal activity; and age demographics and family/community structure apparently have little impact on any of the analyzed property‐crime trends, A reduction in inflation apparently decreases property crimes.