Suchergebnisse

The recent experience of Latin America with overseas financial markets demonstrates the effects of foreign economic trends on domestic economic and political development. The five major Latin American debtors - Mexico, Brazil, Argentina, Venezuela and Chile - responded differently to a nearly identical set of external constraints and opportunities. This is due to the character of socioeconomic and political cleavages, especially the nature of relations between the business community and the labor movement

The foreign economic policy of the United States in the interwar period was closely tied to domestic political struggle between domestic economic actors with conflicting interests in the international economy. After World War I, many US banks and corporations saw great opportunities for overseas expansion, and fought for US foreign economic policy to be assertively 'internationalistic'. Other US corporations saw the world economy primarily as a competitive threat and fought for protection and 'isolation'. (Abstract amended)

Analyzes the relationship between international investment interests and foreign economic policy. Argues that sectors with varying interests related to their international investment positions contend for influence over national policy. The economic circumstances of each sector lead to sectoral policy preferences with predictable implications for domestic bargaining over foreign economic policy. (Abstract amended)

In an analysis of the relationship between foreign economic policy & international investment interests, it is hypothesized that nation-states are the primary players, & that a country's international investment position affects its international economic preferences in ways that can be understood & predicted; also, various domestic sectors with interests related to their international investment positions compete for national policy priority. The stages of capital accumulation are described, with various examples from European countries & the US, both post-WWI & -WWII. Relationships between creditor & debtor countries are discussed, with a focus on domestic policies as a driving force. It is argued that creditor status may be the result of historical conditions, such as resource endowments, culturally determined savings potential, or strategic considerations. 1 Table, 43 References. S. G. Yates

RESUMO Este artigo pretende mostrar que as mudanças ocorridas nos movimentos internacionais de capitais e nas relações monetárias transformaram as economias políticas domésticas resultando em mudanças que transformaram a economia política internacional. Especialmente considerando os Estados Unidos, o autor argumenta que a hegemonia econômica internacional dos EUA, após a Segunda Guerra Mundial, foi baseada em três elementos principais: saídas maciças de capital de longo prazo, um compromisso com a estabilização do sistema monetário internacional, e liberalização comercial. Esses três elementos inicialmente tiveram amplo apoio dentro e fora dos Estados Unidos. No entanto, quando a abertura financeira e comercial mudou gradualmente as ordens econômicas domésticas, o apoio político à estabilidade hegemônica se erodiu. Para o autor, a batalha ali decidida determinará o próprio caráter dos EUA e a economia política internacional para o futuro previsível.

Since 1983, war in Nicaragua has slowed improvements in health which had developed rapidly from 1979-82. The rate of war-related deaths among Nicaraguans now exceeds that of the United States citizens in either the Vietnam War or World War II. Forty-two of the 84 documented war-related casualties among Nicaraguan health workers have been deaths. This high case fatality rate reflects the targeting of health workers by contra troops. The number of staff and services of the public medical system decreased by approximately 10 per cent from 1983 to 1985. Population movements, the establishment of new settlements, and war-related destruction of the primary health infrastructure are associated with recent epidemics of malaria, dengue, measles, and leishmaniasis. The estimated rate of infant mortality in Nicaragua, which had declined from 120 per 1,000 in 1978 to 76/1,000 live births in 1983, has since shown no further decline. Internationally mandated protections enjoyed by civilians and health workers during times of war do not appear to operate in this so-called "low intensity" conflict. Further declines in infant mortality, prevention of epidemics, and improvement in other health indicators will likely await the cessation of military hostilities.

AMERICANS BELIEVE THAT THE PUBLIC SECTOR IS RUN LESS EFFICIENTLY THAN THE PRIVATE SECTOR. THE ROOTS OF THE POPULAR AMERICAN BELIEF IN THE INEFFICIENCY OF GOVERNMENT ARE EXPLORED. SEVERAL EXPLANATIONS ARE OFFERED TO UNDERSTAND THIS ATTITUDE, AMONG THEM ARE THE MISCONCEPTION THAT GOVERNMENT SHOULD CONFORM TO THE PERFORMANCE CRITERIA OF THE MARKETPLACE, AND THAT THE VERY NATURE OF GOVERNMENT'S NONMARKET OUTPUT IS SYNONYMOUS WITH GOVERNMENT INEFFICIENCIES. THE AUTHORS BELIEVE THAT A NEGATIVE VIEW OF GOVERNMENT EFFICIENCY INHIBITS A NATION FROM COMMITTING ITSELF TO COLLECTIVE ACTION.

Since 1981 the Brazilian economic and political system has passed through a period of crisis and upheaval. The country's foreign debt has been at the center of its economic problems, and the debt crisis has defined many of the contours of the political crisis. This article will examine Brazil's accumulation of the Third World's largest foreign debt and the consequences of both the debt and the debt crisis for the Brazilian pattern of economic and political development. The article will focus on the role of economic interests, specifically the role of different sectors of the Brazilian business community, in the borrowing boom and bust.