Globally, Indigenous Peoples suffer disproportionately higher rates and complications of diabetes and obesity than non-Indigenous people. Western health interventions combined with culturally appropriate Traditional approaches can reduce incidence, prevalence, and related co-morbidities. This literature review reports effective culturally relevant Traditional and Western diabetes and obesity prevention and management intervention programs for Indigenous populations in Australia, Canada, New Zealand, and the United States. Experiential, immediate, interactive, and low-cost programs, co-developed and delivered by local Indigenous people within the communities they live, are most effective in improving health and wellbeing. Key themes of success of Togetherness, Empowerment, and Local Familiarity inform action for policy and practice changes adaptable for chronic disease prevention, treatment, and self-management programs for Indigenous Peoples globally.
Modern world is experiencing further geo-economic diversification of economic growth. The task of this section is to consider the implications of this process for political and economic development of Asia and Africa. What are the trends of socio-economic development in these countries? What are the key features of the relations between the North and the South nowadays? What role does modernization play in Asia and Africa? This section also analyzes the process of regionalization in the macro-region. ; В современном мире активно продолжаются процессы геоэкономической диверсификации экономического роста, задевающие и страны Востока. Задача раздела – рассмотреть последствия этих процессов для политического и экономического развития макрорегиона. В чем заключаются особенности социально-экономического развития стран Востока? В чем заключаются особенности взаимоотношений Севера и Юга в современном мире? Какую роль в странах Востока играет концепция модернизации? В данном разделе также дается оценка процессам регионализации в макрорегионе.
Since the end of Cold War era, the conflict in the Great Lakes Region of Africa has exploded. The causes of this explosion can be located in the structure and the dynamics of the world capitalist economy, the nature of Africa's international relations, the demographics of the region, and the vicious forms of power struggles in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), Burundi, Rwanda, and Uganda. (...) This article examines the nature the geopolitics and that of political leadership's motivation that led to the tragedy in the region. It is argued that the instrumental actors involved were motivated mainly by capitalistic greed, war of the influence, and lumpen-intellectual opportunism in the DRC. External predators have envied the Eastern region of DRC for a long time. Having some elections and peace in terms of the states signing some military and political agreements alone - which may limit some degrees of suspicion among them - is not likely to lead to a long-term solution in the region. Only a social state, its progressive institutions, and African social democracy based on pan-African vision can advance real peace in the region. (AAS/DÜI)
In: Donnelly , S & Wessel , R A 2020 , The International Dimension of EMU : The Interplay between the Global Financial Stability Architecture and the European Union . in F Amtenbrink & C Herrmann (eds) , The EU Law of Economic and Monetary Union . Oxford University Press , pp. 99-133 . https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198793748.003.0007
It is a truism that the European Union's self-proclaimed autonomy may be a helpful concept in legal terms–primary to preserve the monopoly of the European Court of Justice to interpret European Union (EU) law–but it is equally clear that the EU is to a large extent influenced by the decisions and policies of other international institutions. The present chapter aims to assess this external influence in relation to a specific, but core dimension of the EU, the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU). More specifically, we will assess the influence of what these days is known as the Global Financial Stability Architecture (GFSA), on the EMU. As will be further explained below, the GFSA is a network of the key global financial institutions that collect data, conduct research, provide insight and propose rules of conduct for the financial sector. Its mission is to rethink (global) macroeconomic policy to make economies more resilient–how to steer the economy clear of risks that could lead it to collapse; how to deal with real-time crises; and how to initiate recovery. Its primary method is to find out how differing components of financial markets act and react to one another, and to propose prudential regulation that shapes the behaviour of private financial service providers, of governments and of central banks.
Some people consider migration as a threat to our welfare state, whereas others see migration as the solution for the financial sustainability of the system of social security. Given the developments concerning migration, as well as the evolution of the welfare state, it seems us necessary to analyse the relationship between both. We discuss the impact of immigration on the government budget in seven Western countries by comparing recent empirical research. The studies distinguish between a static or dynamic approach. Both methodologies have restrictions, of which we analyze the implications for the results. On the basis of the fiscal consequences of immigrants for the different countries, we examine which factors drive the fiscal effects of immigrants. Finally, we examine which information is necessary to carry out an intergenerational analysis for Belgium.
Within the literature on international politics and development the concepts of security and resilience have had growing analytical attention and application. The central question is: What can the international community and especially central countries do to foster a more integral human security, positive resilience and collective prosperity in peripherical societies? After critically discussing the contribution of the concepts of security and resilience, security is related to international humanitarian and peacemaking intervention and resilience to development; both relations are illustrated with some empirical cases. Based on these theoretical and empirical grounds, the concepts of civil intervention and autogenous empowerment are proposed, as ways to advance towards integral human security and positive resilience. Civil intervention refers to action by international civil organizations coordinated by public organizations collaborating with receiving societies' civil organizations to promote population's societal security and collective peace. Autogenous empowerment means the symbiotic and interactive construction of positive resilience promoted externally but perceived as own and endogenous. These concepts are part of a theory of collective development for a peripherical society within its international context. ; En la literatura sobre política y desarrollo internacional los conceptos de seguridad y resiliencia han tenido una creciente discusión y aplicación. La pregunta central es: ¿Qué puede hacer la comunidad internacional y específicamente los países centrales para avanzar hacia una seguridad humana integral, una resiliencia positiva y una prosperidad colectiva en las sociedades periféricas? Tras discutir críticamente la aportación de los dos conceptos, se relaciona la seguridad con la política internacional de intervención y de pacificación, y la resiliencia con las políticas de desarrollo; las dos relaciones son ilustradas con algunos casos empíricos. Sobre estas bases teóricas y analíticas se proponen los conceptos de intervención civil y de empoderamiento autógeno, como vías para avanzar hacia la seguridad humana integral y la resiliencia positiva. La intervención civil es la actuación de organizaciones civiles y de actores gubernamentales que colaboran de forma sincronizada y coordinada con instituciones públicas y civiles de la sociedad receptora para promover una seguridad y paz societal. El empoderamiento autógeno es la construcción simbiótica e interactiva de la resiliencia positiva impulsada exteriormente, percibido como propio. Estos dos conceptos son elementos de una teoría del desarrollo colectivo de una sociedad periférica en su contexto internacional.
Despite widespread recognition that aggregated summary statistics on international conflict and cooperation miss most of the complex interactions among nations, the vast majority of scholars continue to employ annual, quarterly, or (occasionally) monthly observations. Daily events data, coded from some of the huge volume of news stories produced by journalists, have not been used much for the past two decades. We offer some reason to change this practice, which we feel should lead to considerably increased use of these data. We address advances in event categorization schemes and software programs that automatically produce data by "reading" news stories without human coders. We design a method that makes it feasible, for the first time, to evaluate these programs when they are applied in areas with the particular characteristics of international conflict and cooperation data, namely event categories with highly unequal prevalences, and where rare events (such as highly conflictual actions) are of special interest. We use this rare events design to evaluate one existing program, and find it to be as good as trained human coders, but obviously far less expensive to use. For large-scale data collections, the program dominates human coding. Our new evaluative method should be of use in international relations, as well as more generally in the field of computational linguistics, for evaluating other automated information extraction tools. We believe that the data created by programs similar to the one we evaluated should see dramatically increased use in international relations research. To facilitate this process, we are releasing with this article data on 3.7 million international events, covering the entire world for the past decade.
Thus far, policies on foreign direct investment (FDI) have no institutionalized agreement or organization on an international level. This situation can be challenging for governments, as balancing interests of transnational corporations (TNCs) with political strategies may prove difficult—particularly if being a newly independent state such as Ukraine in 1991. Even though FDI was promoted and legislation passed accordingly, Ukraine with its perceived potential has been viewed upon as a disappointment in this field; however, most research has been done in quantitative manner. This thesis aims to contribute to the diversification of research on FDI through using Critical Discourse Analysis to study the articulations of Ukrainian political elites and changes in their perceptions on FDI, Ukraine, the state, business and the world economy; after which they are paralleled to the perceptions of four international organizations (IOs). How these relate to larger structures and what alterative visions of FDI there may be is then analyzed through a neo-Gramscian perspective. In contrast to the IOs, Ukraine has presented alternative ideas of the roles of actors involved along with an emphasis on social characteristics of FDI, such as integration and cooperation. What this entails is then discussed with regards to issues of inclusion, competition, and the non-existence of international policies on FDI. Asiasanat:foreign direct investment, Ukraine, neo-Gramscian theory, Critical Discourse Analysis, transnational corporations, international agreement
"Unter den sechs Staaten im Raum der Östlichen Partnerschaft der Europäischen Union hat sich eine Zweiteilung vollzogen: Die Ukraine, Moldau und Georgien haben Assoziierungsabkommen mit Brüssel geschlossen; Belarus, Aserbaidschan und Armenien stehen außerhalb des Assoziierungsprozesses. Armenien hat sich der Eurasischen Wirtschaftsunion angeschlossen, will aber politische Beziehungen zur EU aufrechterhalten. In der ersten Staatengruppe richtete sich besonders Georgien in den letzten zehn Jahren nach Europa aus und ist Vorreiter im Assoziierungsprozess. Einige Entwicklungen in dem Land behindern allerdings die Umsetzung der Reformanforderungen." (Autorenreferat)