Suchergebnisse

By making a survey of the several rules of current public international law, this dissertation will try to make the reader undestand the importance of the protection of children's rights all over the world. Nowadays, children die every minute because of conflicts, diseases, malnutrition., a lot of them are exploited and have no possibilities of going to school, seeing their future escaping them every day a little more. It is against all these too recurring problems that States have to intervene by exercising their legislator's role, both on the international level and on the national level. But they also have to take their role of subject of law by respecting the international conventions which they made a commitment to respect of their own free will. This respect requires them to protect the children by offering them the possibility of enjoying humanitarian aid set up by many organizations loudly proclaiming that everybody has to act, in one way or another, to allow the development of many and various actions in spite of difficulties. ; En faisant un tour d'horizon des diverses règles de Droit International Public en vigueur, ce travail tentera de faire comprendre à son lecteur l'importance de la protection des droits de l'enfant dans le monde entier. Aujourd'hui encore trop d'enfants meurent chaque jour à cause de conflits, de maladies, de malnutrition…, beaucoup trop sont exploités et n'ont pas la possibilité de suivre des cours dans une école, voyant ainsi leur avenir leur échapper tous les jours un peu plus. C'est contre tous ces problèmes, trop récurrents, que les Etats se doivent d'intervenir en exerçant leur rôle de législateur, tant sur le plan international que sur le plan national. Mais ils doivent aussi assumer celui de sujet de droit en respectant les conventions internationales qu'ils se sont engagés à respecter de leur plein gré. Ce respect les oblige à protéger les enfants afin de leur offrir la possibilité de bénéficier des programmes d'aide mis en place sur le terrain par de nombreuses organisations humanitaires clamant haut et fort que tout le monde doit agir, d'une manière ou d'une autre, pour permettre le développement d'actions de plus en plus variées et de plus en plus efficaces malgré les difficultés.

I and my son are bakers and barbers, you and your sons are lapidaries and gardeners, but if you bid one of your sons be barber, a second baker, a third lapidary and a fourth gardener, all is confusion, and how can good come out of it? Furthermore he is no barber nor baker who does not belong to the Guild of the Barbers and the Guild of the Bakers. If your son [does not go] to the peshkadim and rank himself among the apprentices; next to the tehaoosh, to bid him inscribe his name on the rolls; then to the kihaya, to pay him toll, how should he be a member of the guild? Ask of the scheikh if I have not spoken well.

Because the underdog in a conflict typically gains the support of observers, nations will often adopt a narrative that persuades both their domestic following and international allies that they are the true victim in the conflict. Three survey studies were conducted to assess the perceptions of citizens of a third-party observer nation (Canada) in relation to two nations in conflict that differ in their historical persecution, namely the U.S. and Israel. Perceptions of the vulnerability of their safety and survival, and their strength to protect themselves against their opponents were hypothesized to mediate differences in the perceived justification for each nation's conflict actions. Study 1 (N = 91) supported this mediational model, with the U.S. seen as less vulnerable and more powerful than Israel, and perceptions of vulnerability accounting for differences in the justifiability of their respective conflict actions. Study 2 (N = 315) further demonstrated a moderating effect of Canadians' shared identity with the nations in conflict; only at lower levels of a shared identity was Israel perceived to be more vulnerable and the mediated relation with the perceived justifiability of its conflict actions retained. Study 3 was conducted 10 years later (2018), administering measures to an independent sample of Canadian participants (N = 300). Canadians were found to be significantly less likely to share a common identity with Americans than previously; once again, the mediating role of the perceived vulnerability of the nations in conflict and the justifiability of their actions was conditional on shared identification. The findings contribute to understanding influences on the credibility of victim claims by nations in conflict, as well as implications for how their actions are construed by citizens of a third-party observer nation.

This book is concerned with changes in the social structures, demographics, and issues in Western democracies along with the impact of those changes on party systems and policy outcomes. Three countries - the United States, the Netherlands, and Belgium - are examined to determine how they accommodate these changes. The United States is investigated as an example of a stable consolidated party system, the Netherlands is included as a representative fragmented parliamentary regime, and Belgium is an extreme example of a sub-culture alienated from the rest of the country. The conflict between the representation function and the function of forming a majority able to govern is stressed.

The approach taken by authorities in the oversight and supervision of FMIs is important in promoting and maintaining financial stability in Moldova. While well-functioning FMIs can greatly improve the efficiency, transparency, and safety of financial systems, they can also concentrate systemic risk, which requires effective oversight and supervision to achieve public policy objectives. In the context of Moldova, the authorities are confronted with a national decision to create a single CSD that has good governance, robust risk management practices, and financial soundness. Vulnerabilities in FMIs could potentially undermine the implementation of monetary policy, or generate systemic disruptions in the financial markets, and more widely across the economy. A problem may be initiated by the inability of a participant to settle its obligations, or by operational failures of the system as a whole. The resulting default may be passed on to other participants, and get transmitted across financial systems and markets, threatening their stability. This note reviews the oversight and supervisory framework for FMIs in Moldova. In this note, FMIs cover payment systems, central securities depositories, and securities settlement systems. Payment systems were assessed in the 2008 Republic of Moldova FSAP Update and are not covered in this note. Securities registrars, which play a key role in the capital markets, are not FMIs and are assessed under principle 11 on CSDs of the PFMIs. The analysis was based on the authorities' answers to the IMF's questionnaire, IMF and World Bank technical assistance reports, and background documentation. The mission met with representatives from the NBM, NCFM, MSE, NSD, and independent registrars. This note was prepared based on the information available in February 2014. The note includes (i) an overview of the FMIs and description of past and ongoing reforms, and (ii) an assessment of the main issues at stake.

Over the past 70 years, the relationship between China and NATO has undergone the following stages: isolation and hostility (1949-1972), strategic collaboration (1972-1989), political opponents (from 1989 to early 21st century), and engagement and dialogue (2002-2020). After the Cold War, NATO continued to develop towards globalization. Its policies and actions gradually extended from the Euro-Atlantic region to the Middle East, Central Asia, and Asia Pacific, intervening in Asian affairs. With the United States' strategic contraction from the Middle East and withdrawal from Afghanistan, the "Asian version of NATO" has become a tool created by the United States to curb China's rise. However, EU countries, India, ASEAN, Japan, and others may not necessarily remain united with the United States. China will continue to develop itself, but at the same time, it will also maintain cautious contact, dialogue, and cooperation with NATO.

Die multilaterale Rüstungskontrolle steht vor der grundlegenden Herausforderung, dass Russland und die USA sich von solchen Regimen ab- und sogar gegen sie wenden. Auf den Fortgang bilateraler Rüstungskontrolle können Europäer naturgemäß wenig Einfluss nehmen. Bei vielen multilateralen Abkommen aber sitzen Europäer mit am Tisch und sie haben am Erhalt dieser Regime meist ein originäres Eigeninteresse.