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The objective of the article was to identify the public determination of the activities of international political actors. The methodology combines a systems approach, comparative method, structural and functional analysis, institutional approach, postmodern methodology, logical generalization method, communicative approach, sociocultural analysis and the scenario forecasting method, which ensure to determine the importance of the public elements of the international community. At present, the model of public opinion allows us to see the main trends of public self-expression of political actors and their relationship with social groups. That is, the attitude of the population of certain countries to this problem became the basis of various actions of public political actors. It is concluded that advertising is a prerequisite framework for modern international politics both at the theoretical-conceptual level and at the level of pragmatic activity. Kokkuvõtteks tehti kindlaks, et kaasaegse rahvusvahelise poliitika avaliku sektori osalejad keskenduvad oma tegevuses kollegiaalsele poliitilisele otsustusprotsessile laia ja mitmemõõtmelise arutelu alusel, esitades kõige laiemaid vaatenurki.

El fragmento de Bruce Bueno de Mesquita, expone los principios y líneas generales que fundamentan la Teoría de la Elección Racional y su aplicación a las Relaciones Internacionales. Partiendo de la idea de que la atención debe ponerse, no sobre los estados, sino sobre los líderes políticos ?motivados por intereses personales y no nacionales, como es el deseo de mantenerse en el poder? y los procesos de toma de decisiones; Bueno de Mesquita cuestiona las asunciones de paradigmas previos en torno a la separación del ámbito nacional e internacional. Asimismo, expone como los líderes políticos, influidos por tres conceptos clave como son el poder, las preferencias y las percepciones, toman decisiones y se coordinan entre ellos, utilizando interacciones estratégicas ; This Bruce Bueno de Mesquita's fragment sets out the principles and general lines that support the Rational Choice Theory and its application to International Relations. Starting with the idea that we must pay attention, not to Nation States, but to Political Leaders ?motivated by personal interests, not national ones, such as their wish to stay in office?, and Decision Making Processes; Bueno de Mesquita challenges the assumptions of previous paradigms related to the separation among the National and International scene. He also states how the Political Leaders, influenced by three key concepts, such as power, preferences and perceptions, take decisions and coordinate their foreign policy actions, using strategic interactions

This Bruce Bueno de Mesquita's fragment sets out the principles and general lines that support the Rational Choice Theory and its application to International Relations. Starting with the idea that we must pay attention, not to Nation States, but to Political Leaders ?motivated by personal interests, not national ones, such as their wish to stay in office?, and Decision Making Processes; Bueno de Mesquita challenges the assumptions of previous paradigms related to the separation among the National and International scene. He also states how the Political Leaders, influenced by three key concepts, such as power, preferences and perceptions, take decisions and coordinate their foreign policy actions, using strategic interactions. ; El fragmento de Bruce Bueno de Mesquita, expone los principios y líneas generales que fundamentan la Teoría de la Elección Racional y su aplicación a las Relaciones Internacionales. Partiendo de la idea de que la atención debe ponerse, no sobre los estados, sino sobre los líderes políticos ?motivados por intereses personales y no nacionales, como es el deseo de mantenerse en el poder? y los procesos de toma de decisiones; Bueno de Mesquita cuestiona las asunciones de paradigmas previos en torno a la separación del ámbito nacional e internacional. Asimismo, expone como los líderes políticos, influidos por tres conceptos clave como son el poder, las preferencias y las percepciones, toman decisiones y se coordinan entre ellos, utilizando interacciones estratégicas.

This paper argues that Mohamad Bouazizi's self-immolation was a Pragmatic Act aimed at escaping Biopower formulated by the authoritarian Tunisian regime for the purpose of securitizing Structural Violence. It is a sensational form of suicide that awakens emotions and inspires resistance. Human emotions, not technological innovation, had the power to change regimes. Twitter and Facebook are methods of communication that helped transmit this rage, but did not cause these revolutions. Passions, lit by Bouazizi's flame, diffused naturally by human interface and may have occurred without such technological advances. This paper is divided into three main parts. The first is to theorize the act of self-immolation. The second theorizes about the power human emotion has on the international arena. Lastly, it highlights the discursive power of scholarship. Fundamentally, this paper seeks to illuminate these thoughts on Bouazizi's self-immolation, as well pursue self-reflexivity that exemplifies the subjectivity of intellectuality. It presents a novel argument as it describes what dominant theories of International Relations omit: how ordinary people influence the international politics. The Arab Revolutions were caused not solely by the emergence of social networks or news media, but by emotional diffusion. Raw human anger forms the uniting force that assembles and organizes oppressed populations. By using these concepts and describing this and other cases of self-immolation, one discovers a pattern: self-immolation is an extraordinary method of suicide that persons without agency use to securitize structural violence by means of human emotion. As such, emotions are an integral, but understudied part of International Relations.

This paper argues that Mohamad Bouazizi's self-immolation was a Pragmatic Act aimed at escaping Biopower formulated by the authoritarian Tunisian regime for the purpose of securitizing Structural Violence. It is a sensational form of suicide that awakens emotions and inspires resistance. Human emotions, not technological innovation, had the power to change regimes. Twitter and Facebook are methods of communication that helped transmit this rage, but did not cause these revolutions. Passions, lit by Bouazizi's flame, diffused naturally by human interface and may have occurred without such technological advances. This paper is divided into three main parts. The first is to theorize the act of self-immolation. The second theorizes about the power human emotion has on the international arena. Lastly, it highlights the discursive power of scholarship. Fundamentally, this paper seeks to illuminate these thoughts on Bouazizi's self-immolation, as well pursue self-reflexivity that exemplifies the subjectivity of intellectuality. It presents a novel argument as it describes what dominant theories of International Relations omit: how ordinary people influence the international politics. The Arab Revolutions were caused not solely by the emergence of social networks or news media, but by emotional diffusion. Raw human anger forms the uniting force that assembles and organizes oppressed populations. By using these concepts and describing this and other cases of self-immolation, one discovers a pattern: self-immolation is an extraordinary method of suicide that persons without agency use to securitize structural violence by means of human emotion. As such, emotions are an integral, but understudied part of International Relations.

La política de apertura de Chile, que en los noventa ha complementado política e institucionalmente lo que antes hiciera el Gobierno Militar en materia económica, ha rentado grandes dividendos. Respecto de América Latina, sin embargo, ha amplificado una brecha que ya era ancha desde fines del siglo XIX, respecto de muchos países de la región. En este contexto, el gran desafío de la política regional de Chile es articular su apertura con el mundo desarrollado, al tiempo que su reinserción con el resto de América Latina. Se plantea como hipótesis que el país está en medio de una doble asimetría que no sólo se ha transformado en grandes oportunidades, sino que en desafíos no resueltos. Esta doble asimetría consiste en la relación simultánea que tiene el país, tanto con actores muchomás poderosos -que era nuestro enfoque clásico-, como con aquellos -especialmente los países vecinos- cuyo poder relativo es claramente menor al chileno.

La política de apertura de Chile, que en los noventa ha complementado política e institucionalmente lo que antes hiciera el Gobierno Militar en materia económica, ha rentado grandes dividendos. Respecto de América Latina, sin embargo, ha amplificado una brecha que ya era ancha desde fines del siglo XIX, respecto de muchos países de la región. En este contexto, el gran desafío de la política regional de Chile es articular su apertura con el mundo desarrollado, al tiempo que su reinserción con el resto de América Latina. Se plantea como hipótesis que el país está en medio de una doble asimetría que no sólo se ha transformado en grandes oportunidades, sino que en desafíos no resueltos. Esta doble asimetría consiste en la relación simultánea que tiene el país, tanto con actores muchomás poderosos -que era nuestro enfoque clásico-, como con aquellos -especialmente los países vecinos- cuyo poder relativo es claramente menor al chileno.

International audience ; The Argentine Commissions, constituted in Montevideo, Bolivia and Chile by political émigrés from the Argentine Confederation between 1839 and 1845, played an important role in international politics. They connected the émigrés' political interests with those of host countries, sought to form international alliances against Rosas and participated in neighboring counties internal politics, which had the effect of internationalizing civil wars. Although the mobility patterns studied did not follow a national logic, they participated in Argentine politics, where émigrés from different provinces and factions came together with political objectives, in a context of the circulation of Romantic ideas of nationality. They are a concrete Argentine example of associative practices in exile and of the important role of transnational action in South American international politics. ; Las Comisiones Argentinas, conformadas en Montevideo, Bolivia y Chile por emigrados políticos originarios de la Confederación Argentina entre 1839 y 1845, jugaron un papel importante en la política internacional. Articularon los intereses políticos de los emigrados con los de los países de acogida, buscaron formar alianzas internacionales contra Rosas y participaron en la política interna de los países vecinos, con el efecto de internacionalizar las guerras civiles. Aunque las pautas de movilidad evidenciadas estuvieron desprovistas de una lógica nacional, participaron en una política argentina donde emigrados de provincias y facciones diferentes se juntaron con fines políticos, en un contexto de circulación de las ideas románticas de nacionalidad. Son un ejemplo concreto y argentino de las prácticas asociativas en el exilio y del papel importante de la acción transnacional en la política internacional sudamericana.