The young American: or book of government and law; showing their history, nature and necessity for the use of schools
In: http://hdl.handle.net/2027/nyp.33433086503004
Ex libris: Amasa D. Wade. ; t.p. vignette. ; Mode of access: Internet.
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In: http://hdl.handle.net/2027/nyp.33433086503004
Ex libris: Amasa D. Wade. ; t.p. vignette. ; Mode of access: Internet.
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In: http://hdl.handle.net/2027/wu.89097207450
By the then Marquis of Lorne. ; Mode of access: Internet.
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In: http://hdl.handle.net/2027/ien.35556003007135
[1] Committee of Private Country Banks. Reasons against legislative interference. 1844.--[2] Drummond, Henry. Causes which lead to a bank restriction bill. 1839.--[3] Dun, John. The English bankers' grievance and its proper remedy. 1874.--[4] Greig, J.K. Bank note and banking reform. 1880.--[5] Holdsworth, A.H. A letter to a friend in Devonshire. 1818.--[6] Kinnear, George. Banks and exchange companies. 1847.--[7] A letter to the Right Hon. the Viscount Althorp on his proposed interference with the present system of country banking. 1833.--[8] LLoyds Bank Limited. Permanent staff training. 1919.--[9] [Maclean, A.W.] Additional considerations, addressed to all classes, on the necessity and equity of a national system of deposit-banking and paper currency. 1835.--[10] Nicholson, N.A. The controversy on free banking. 1868.--[11] Steele, F.E. On changes in the bank rate. [1891]--[12] Stirling, James. Practical considerations on banks and bank management. 1865.--[13] Thoughts upon the principles of banks, and the wisdom of legislative interference. 1837.--[14] Watt, Peter. The theory and practice of joint-stock banking. 1836. ; Mode of access: Internet.
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Includes bibliographical references. ; Electronic reproduction. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; 44
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p. 3 ; columns 1-2 ; 27 col. in. ; A lengthy article reporting the abolishment of the Governor of Utah's absolute veto power and describing the previous use of that power in the context of Utah legislative history.
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[p. 2] ; column 3 ; 14 ½ col. in. ; Judge Titus delivered an elaborate charge to the Grand Jury on the crime of polygamy, and the necessity of checking and punishing it.
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"This book discusses morality, politics, and philosophy and describes how the three subjects are intertwined. The author begins with preliminary considerations, covering topics such as the law of honor, the law of the land, the moral sense, etc. The author then discusses moral obligation (i.e. the definition of "obligation" and the necessity of general rules); relative duties (i.e. duties in relation to property law, charity, and slavery); duties to ourselves (i.e. the right to self-defense); duties towards God (i.e. prayer and the use of Scripture); and elements of political knowledge (i.e. civil liberties, crimes and punishments, war, and military establishments)." (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved).
"Appendix."--p. [16]-124. Includes Henry's memorial of Feb. 27, 1829, to the New York Legislature, together with assorted documents and correspondence. ; Checklist Amer. imprints ; Mode of access: Internet.
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In: Cambridge library collection. British and Irish History, General
Robert Pashley (1805–59), lawyer, economist, traveller, and fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge, is famous for his travel memoirs as well as his legal achievements. First published in 1852, his history of pauperism and the poor laws in England analyses the history of poverty and the various attempts at reform, including legislation in the reign of Elizabeth I, the statute of Charles II for the Removal of the Poor, and the pauper legislation of 1834. In the final chapters, Pashley asserts the necessity for a total repeal of the existing legislation, including the Poor Law Amendment Act of 1834, arguing that the provisions for raising and administering relief to paupers should be consolidated into one statute and suggesting a national levy on property to aid poor relief. Pashley's work was influential, although reform of the system did not begin until the creation of the Local Government Board in 1871
Broadside with a message from Vermont Governor William A. Palmer after he was elected in 1831; mentions the militia and the subject of a national bank. ; GOVERNOR'S MESSAGE, Gentlemen of the Council, and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives: Being again called to the office of Chief Magistrate of the State, by a majority oi the suffrages of the General Assembly, I accept the trust confided to me, and will use ray best endeavors to discharge the duties incumbent on me, for the good of the State, and the interests of the people, The Constitution enjoins upon the Governor and Council to take care that the laws be faithfully administered, and to carry into execution such measures as may be resolved upon by the General Assembly. Very few of the Executive powers of our Government are entrusted solely, to the Chief Magistrate; but, on the contrary, are entrusted to certain officers, who, from their appointment, and the nature of their duties, appear to be exempted from executive direction or censure. In the financial department, a vigilance in the executive over subordinate officers, who may be in any way, employed in receiving and paying over public monies, seems more important. The necessity of any particular attention to this, by the Executive, is however superceded by the laws already in force, by which it is made the duty of all subordinate officers, connected in any way with the collection of the revenue, to make annual settlements with the head of the treasury department. An annual settlement is also to be made with the treasury department, with a full and fair statement of the accounts, together with the balances due, to be laid before the General Assembly at their October session. By the foregoing provision in the law, any call of the Executive on the Treasury department, for the information of the General Assembly is rendered unnecessary. Some attention to this subject* by the Legislature may be attended with beneficial results. Our duty as Legislators is to provide wholesome laws for the promotion of virtue, happiness and prosperity among the people, upon whom the laws are to operate. One of the important ends of all government, is> to teach each individual of the community the necessity of self-government. When we reflect on the vast influence of the laws in moulding and fom^g the manners, habits and virtues of a people, and that this influence, in our own case, is to exert itself on IiLile leGs than three hundred thousand individuals, the business entrusted o us assumes an importance demanding our highest efforts to render such influence salutary in its operation. That such has not been the case in all countries, has arisen from the irresponsibility with which the powers of government have been exercised by their rulers—an irresponsibility growing out of the mistaken and anti-republican doctrine that those powers were exersised by men in der such circumstances is it to be wondered at that the laws, instead of being calculated to promote the general welfare, should be wrested to the purposes cf individual aggrandizement ? Our government is happily so organized that the duty and interests of the lawgiver are necessarily identified with the rights and interests of the community, and under such circumstances of responsibility, as to compel him to feel less sympathy for the ruler than the ruled. From these considerations it would seem that nothing but a great degree of ignorance or depravity could induce those who are employed in making and executing the laws, to be forgetful of the rights and interests of their constituents, and it behoves us, in the prosecution of our important duties, to keep these great principles of republican freedom constantly in view, and not to flatter ourselves that the people have become, cither so ignorant or disregarded of their just rights as to sanction or submit to any attempt to impose upon their ignorance or credulity. The sentiments, in regard to public worship, religion, and morality, interwoven with our constitution, as far as our limited knowledge can extend, have had great influence on the people! These circumstances, under our established form of government, excluding as it does all persecution and intolerance in matters of religion and modes ot worship, give to our state an I honorab 1 e station in the view of the enlightened part of the world. The principles and precepts of the gospel, if improved for religious and moral purposes only, will always make good men, and by consequence, good j citizens. Upon the religious and literary institutions of the State, our happiness as a people, essentially depends. While therefore, that freedom of opinion, and those rights of conscience, which are recognized in our constitution, are sacredly maintained, the Legislature will not fail to give every suitable, encouragement to their support. Permit me again to call your attention to the subject of the Militia. Unprepared to enter into details, my observations must be general. However some may esteem it, the Militia is the great depository of our liberty and independence-—it is the first and last hope of our country. Let the Militia become and remain inefficient and our transition to despotism will be gradual perhaps, but inevitable. Previous to the Revolution, the greatest care was taken to keep the militia in an unorganized and inefficient state. In most of the then British Provinces, patriotic exertions were made, but with little effect, to counteract this slavish policy; the Provincial Governors, generally opposed to the interests of the people, iheir own right, and not in the right appointed the Militia officers subser- and for the good of th® people, Un- || vient to their own view?. When? how ever, war with the mother country became inevitable, one of the first and most important measures adopted, was the reorganization of the whole body of the militia, and since that period most of the States have paid a marked and laudable attention to the subject. The result has, in many instances done honor to the Government ; the measures adopted have excised a martial spirit which merits every attention and encouragement. The materials composing the militia are independent and aspiring citizens, whose fearless spirit never was, and, with confidence it may be said never will be subdued by foreign domination. They will sooner, by far, nobly perish on the field of battle-, than surrender their beloved country—the birthright of themselves and those most dear to them, to an inexorable and haughty invader. Such materials for soldiers are not exceeded in any other country, and is j it proper or expedient to let them remain unimproved, when they are so vitally important to our existence as a free people? And is it sound policy to continue to neglect the discipline of the militia—suffer the military ardor heretofore existing among the yeomanry, which has given us a name aaiong the nations, to languish and expire ? Or shall an effort be made to secure a proper organization of the militia and foster a military spirit among the people ? 1 therefore earnestly recommend the subject to your careful consideration and control, but hope that the present session will not pass without the adoption of some measure calculated to promote the object in view. During the past year there has been much agitation on the subject of the United States Bank, and the measures of the national executive in relation to it. The questions of principle involved in the controversy are of vast importance to the interests of the nation, and require to be discussed and decided with reference both to the present convenience and necessities of the people, and also to their influence upon the future destinies of the country. An institution, like that of the Bank of the United States, necessarily possess powers, which, if exercised for good, as they ever should be, are most beneficent in their ope- railons, and, if exerted for evil, are of a nature the most pernicious. If such an institution, therefore, be demanded to meet the wants of the community, the utmost caution should be observed in framing the provisions of its charter—the most effectual checks placed upon its power—and the most waichful vigilance exercised with regard to its conduct. That a National Bank, with proper powers and restrictions, is both necessary and constitutional, 1 do not doubt. I deem, however, the charter o^'he present Bank exceptionable in several of its provisions, and am opposed to its renewal in its present form. Its conduct, in some respeGts, I consider justly liable to censure ; yet, I cannot regard that, as furnishing any justification of the executive proceedings in relation to it, some of which I deem pernicious in their consequences and altogether unwarrantable. The public mind has been much agitated in relation to certain abuses and assumptions of power on the part of the national executive. It will be sufficient for me to say, in connexion with this subject, that too much vigilance cannot be exercised, either on the part of the people or the state legislatures, with respect to his patronage and power. A manifestation by him of the least, disposition, either to overstep the bounds of the constitution and laws, or to exercise those powers which he legitimately and constitutionally possesses, for purposes not within the scope of his duties, should be met and resisted, on the threshhold, as the beginning of tyranny. At the last session of the General Assembly a resolution wras passed, requesting me to renew the correspondence with the Governor General of the Brinsh Provinces, upon the ^subject of obstructions at the outlet of the waters of Lake Champlain, and to solicit, that a commissioner or commissioners be appointed, on the part of that government, to act in conjunction with commissioners appointed on the part of this State, to ascertain, if practicable, the true cause, or causes, of the overflowing of the lands in this State, on the margin of Lake Champlain and its tributary streams, and the extent of the evils complained of. In pursuance of the request expressed in that resolution, in February last, I addressed a letter to the Governor General of the British Provinces in North America, on that subject, requesting the appointment of commissioners on the part of the government of Lower Canada, to meet such as were appointed on the part of this State, for the purpose of carrying the object referred to into effect, but have received no answer from the Governor, or any of the authorities of that government. At a period of uncommon agitation and embarrassment, it is among the important duties required of us to soar above local and partial views—-to cherish and inculcate a disinterested spirit, and to secure, by every possible means, the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity. It only remains with me to assure you that I shall, in all things, heartily co-operate with you, in the necessary measures to promote and ensure the general welfare, W. A- PALMER. Montpslier, Oct, IS, 1834
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