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That music plays an important part in the life of a people and should* therefor©, have an important place in the system of education in any state or nation, has boon understood by the t foremost educators of thro# thousand years. For practical, industrial, and commercial people* like ourselves, good music is necessary not only for enjoyment and recreation but also for inspiration and for salvation from death in the din and dust of trade} and this music should b© democratic in the truest and best sense. Music makes the individual happier and more sensitive to beauty and as a socializing force shall enable individuals to adjust themselves more sympathetically to their environment. Therefore public school music should be established as a fundamental in the curricula of ©very state in the union and taught in such a way as to be a carry-Over of the music work in High school with the different social institutions and organizations. So far, in our Texas schools, the image has not "played an important part", indeed, in the large majority, it has played no part at all. The cities and a few of the larger towns have for years had systematic instruction la music under competent supervision* but as a whole* our state has not progressed far In this work.

In today's society the term 'Community' is frequently used. Politicians, religious leaders, policy makers and the media are repeatedly utilizing the concept to describe a particular scenario. Traditionally, sociologists have been fascinated with community, within a theoretical and geographical context. At the centre of the community is the debate of how external agencies work with the local community and how social policy can work at a local level. The aim of this paper is to critically explore the debate around community and how the subject has re-established itself within the discipline of sociology. To justify the arguments surrounding the Sociology of Community the author uses a case study of The United Kingdom.

International audience ; A new media space? Sociology of the French political blogosphere While the population of western democracies is less and less involved in politics, digital tools would seem to offer new possibilities to remobilize citizens. Political blogs can allow new people to publish their political opinions online. In addition to existing political and media spaces, a newspace of discussion and publication of political ideas would thus appear, allowing every citizen to participate and to be widely read. The question for research is whether political blogs today allow a new type of political message producer to reach a new audience. We demonstrate that only bloggers having previous visibility in the classic media field, due to their political or professional positions, can have a large audience on their blog. Far from having allowed new producers of political messages to attain a large audience, the political blogosphere seems on the contrary embedded in the political and media fields, of which it largely extends the hierarchies. Our work, accordingly, tends to invalidate the idea of a political blogosphere which, according to the cyber-optimistic thesis, would have allowed new producers of political messages to get new audience. ; Alors que les démocraties occidentales voient leur population toujours moins impliquée en politique, les outils numériques offriraient de nouvelles possibilités susceptibles de remobiliser les citoyens. Les blogs politiques, en particulier, permettraient à de nouvelles populations de publiciser à moindres coûts leurs opinions politiques en ligne. En parallèle à l'espace de l'action politique spécialisée et à l'espace médiatique, se formerait alors un nouvel espace de discussion et de publicisation d'idées politiques, ouvert à tous et susceptible de rencontrer une audience considérable. La question est alors de savoir si, aujourd'hui, les blogs politiques permettent à un nouveau type de producteurs de messages politiques d'accéder à de nouveaux publics. Nous démontrons que ...

In Media, Technology, and Society , some of the most prominent figures in media studies explore the issue of media evolution. Focusing on a variety of compelling examples in media history, ranging from the telephone to the television, the radio to the Internet, these essays collectively address a series of notoriously vexing questions about the nature of technological change. Is it possible to make general claims about the conditions that enable or inhibit innovation? Does government regulation tend to protect or thwart incumbent interests? What kinds of concepts are needed to address the relationship between technology and society in a nonreductive and nondeterministic manner? To what extent can media history help us to understand and to influence the future of media in constructive ways? The contributors' historically grounded responses to these questions will be relevant to numerous fields, including history, media and communication studies, management, sociology, and information studies.

International audience ; A new media space? Sociology of the French political blogosphere While the population of western democracies is less and less involved in politics, digital tools would seem to offer new possibilities to remobilize citizens. Political blogs can allow new people to publish their political opinions online. In addition to existing political and media spaces, a newspace of discussion and publication of political ideas would thus appear, allowing every citizen to participate and to be widely read. The question for research is whether political blogs today allow a new type of political message producer to reach a new audience. We demonstrate that only bloggers having previous visibility in the classic media field, due to their political or professional positions, can have a large audience on their blog. Far from having allowed new producers of political messages to attain a large audience, the political blogosphere seems on the contrary embedded in the political and media fields, of which it largely extends the hierarchies. Our work, accordingly, tends to invalidate the idea of a political blogosphere which, according to the cyber-optimistic thesis, would have allowed new producers of political messages to get new audience. ; Alors que les démocraties occidentales voient leur population toujours moins impliquée en politique, les outils numériques offriraient de nouvelles possibilités susceptibles de remobiliser les citoyens. Les blogs politiques, en particulier, permettraient à de nouvelles populations de publiciser à moindres coûts leurs opinions politiques en ligne. En parallèle à l'espace de l'action politique spécialisée et à l'espace médiatique, se formerait alors un nouvel espace de discussion et de publicisation d'idées politiques, ouvert à tous et susceptible de rencontrer une audience considérable. La question est alors de savoir si, aujourd'hui, les blogs politiques permettent à un nouveau type de producteurs de messages politiques d'accéder à de nouveaux publics. Nous démontrons que seuls les blogueurs ayant une visibilité antérieure dans le champ médiatique classique, de par leurs positions politiques ou professionnelles, sont susceptibles de rencontrer un public sur leur blog. Loin d'avoir permis à de nouveaux producteurs de messages politiques d'acquérir de l'audience, la blogosphère politique apparaît au contraire encastrée dans les champs politique et médiatique dont elle prolonge très largement les hiérarchies. Ainsi, notre travail tend à invalider la représentation enchantée d'une blogosphère politique qui, comme l'avançaient les tenants de la thèse cyber-optimiste, devait permettre à de nouveaux producteurs de messages politiques de rencontrer de nouveaux publics.Docteur en science politique de l'Université de Montpellier, Marie NEIHOUSER est actuellement post-doctorante à l'Université Laval de Québec. Prix de thèse 2016 de la Faculté de Droit et de Science politique de l'Université de Montpellier

Today, there are a lot of studies on climate change and sustainability from social sciences' perspectives. Achievements of sociology, psychology or political sciences can be extremely helpful in designing, adopting, implementing and evaluating of effective climate and sustainability policy. However, so far, social sciences, excluded neoclassical economics and dogmatic law, have being marginalizing in the mainstream of climate and sustainability science, politics and discourse. Social studies also have not been included in the IPCC' and other important agencies' reports. In consequence, there is a significant gap in our understanding many facets of climate change and other civilizational threats and possible tools to mitigating them, which may be a reason of the pure effectiveness of the past policies. In this paper I would like to present a few of examples, what social sciences, especially sociology and psychology can contribute to climate and sustainability discourse, as well as, propose hypothesis which could explain marginalization of social sciences today. I will conclude that there are needed more studies about reasons of little widespread social perspective and barriers of incorporating social sciences' approaches to political and non-governmental sphere. In my opinion, in these studies could be used perspectives of cognitive and social psychology or constructivist version of sociology of knowledge, then sociology could became object of its own research, which will result in such kind of 'sociology of sociology'.

Kutai Kartanegara Regency is one of regencies in East Kalimantan, Indonesia. The capital city is located in Tenggarong Sub-district. Kutai Kartanegara Regency has an area of 27,263.10 km², with sea area of approximately 4,097 km², which is divided into 18 sub-districts and 225 villages with a population of 626,286 (2010 census). Geographically, Kutai Kartanegara Regency is located between 115° 26'28" East Longitude - 117 ° 36'43" East Longitude and 1° 28'21" North Latitude - 1° 08'06" South Latitude.

Recent research in the social sciences has explicitly addressed the challenge of bringing violence back into the center of attention. This has generated substantive progress in terms of both theoretical debate and methodological approaches. However, there is a significant lack of research applying non-reductionist methodological approaches that can, at the same time, be grounded in a theoretical approach to violence as a research subject in its own right. This focus section seeks to address this research gap by strengthening the dialogue between different bodies of literature that pursue disparate strategies of delineating "violence" as the subject of an emerging field of sociology. By synthesizing these literatures, the focus section aims to draw upon insights from social theory and recent developments in the sociology of violence on the one hand, and combine methodological approaches that transcend both micro- and macro-reductionist accounts on the other. In doing so, it offers analytical perspectives for coming to terms with one of the most conspicuous shortcomings in social scientific appraisals of violence: the tendency to treat it as a primarily moral or political problem, instead of conceiving violence as a social fact.

In the last three decades the emergence and development of community media across Europe has been mainly characterised by the political and social contexts at the national levels and, consequently, the sector is shaped by a range of opportunities and challenges that depend on the status of current policy, legislation and funding regimes in each country. Where at the pan-European level, since the 1970s, the Council of Europe has been supporting community media as a means for pluralism and diversity in the media, as well as a tool to promote social cohesion, in the European Union audiovisual and media policies, community media have been largely overlooked. In 2008 the Culture and Education Committee of the European Parliament promoted a report to support community media in the Union, signalling a new development pursuing to influence media policy discussion in the member states. This article aims to trace the contours of community media's route across European media policies to assess how its practice has been shaped so far and discuss the emerging issues that are likely to influence its near future. © 2009 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

This paper qualitatively analyzes social media guidelines of sixmedia organizations: Indonesian Press Council, The CanadianAssociation of Journalists, Los Angeles Times, Mail & Guardian,Reuters, Associated Press. It presents the findings under socialmedia account; political advocacy; tweets, retweets and reposts;news sourcing themes. The analysis shows, social media guidelineshave various points of agreement as well as contradiction amongthem. They also need to elaborate more on several vague guidelines.For instance, Reuters leaves it to the discretion of its journalists todecide what constitutes matters of public importance. It points outvarious contradictions that the social media guidelines have. It alsooutlines a set of recommendations on social media use for mediaorganizations to include in their guidelines

Notas acerca de la evolución del folclore, en líneas generales, a partir del siglo XVII hasta la actualidad. Diversas razones, económicas y políticas, inciden hoy en un nuevo auge otorgado a la tradición folclórica. Ésta constituye, según el autor, el último instrumento de resistencia frente a la pérdida de la identidad cultural local, comarcal o regional. ; We present some notes about the evolution of folklore, along general lines, from the XVII century until the present. Diverse economic and political reasons have given new interest to folk tradition. Folklore, according to the author, is the last intrument of resistance against the loss of local and regional cultural identity. ; Grupo de Investigación Antropología y Filosofía (SEJ-126). Universidad de Granada

An analysis of transcripts from three very different sets of public confessions--the Moscow Show Trials, the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission Amnesty Hearings, and Iraq Veterans Against the War's Winter Soldier--identifies the common characteristics of public confessions. These confessions all occurred after deviant acts demonstrated an inconsistency within the social order--typically violent behavior that was formally condemned but was also encouraged, accepted, and even ordered by officials, reflecting a larger lack of consensus as to what was acceptable and what was unacceptable within the societies. The confessions addressed the nature of the deviance, assigned responsibility for the deviance, discussed the implications of the deviance for political legitimacy, and sought closure. Historically, power holders have organized public confessions to acquit the social order of any responsibility for deviant acts, to legitimize their authority, and to delegitimize their challengers. However, with the advent of new forms of media that allow for user-generated content, individuals and social movements may now intentionally organize public confessions to challenge the legitimacy of power holders and the social order.

The hostile media effect (HME) entails that partisanship incites hostile perceptions of media content. However, other research underscores that partisans selectively turn to like-minded media, resulting in a friendly media phenomenon (FMP). The present study suggests that the HME and FMP co-exist, and, furthermore, jointly affect people's voting behavior. More specifically, based on a media content analysis and a long-term panel survey surrounding the 2014 election for the European Parliament in the Netherlands, we find that people selectively turn to like-minded friendly media (FMP), but perceive coverage about the EU (European Union) in these media as relatively unsupportive of their own position (HME). In this context, the FMP and HME appear to jointly influence voting behavior. People cast votes in line with the objectively partisan-friendly media tone of their self-selected media. However, to a certain extent they do so, because they seem motivated to counteract the seemingly unfair or insufficient coverage about the EU.

This article explores the experiences of the institutionalization and crisis of the sociology of work in Poland by analyzing the narratives of the doyens of the sociology of work in the country. It is argued that the institutionalization of sociology of work in the 1960s and 1970s reflected the requirements of the socialist industrialization of the country and its crisis (lasting from the end of 1980s) has political and economic roots related to systemic transformation. Simultaneously, some parallels between the situation of the sociology of work before and after 1989 are noted, including the challenges of cooperation between sociologists and industry. The empirical data in the article come from the research project carried out the Sociology of Work Section of the Polish Sociological Association based on the narrative interviews with the academic sociologists of work and plant sociologists who began their careers in the period of state socialism in Poland.

Elections in capitalist democracies in Western have changed recently to such an extent that one is inclined to look upon election results as crucial evidence for Alain Touraine's argument in favour of a transformation from a Durkheimian ("structure") to a Weberian world ("actor") in his La fin des societies (2013). The central aspect of party systems in Western Europe is not social structure today but now voter volatility, which can be measured allowing for an empirical application of Touraine's thesis.