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Intro -- Title page -- Contents -- Foreword -- Acknowledgements -- Abstract -- Executive summary -- Introduction -- Chapter 1. Counter-radicalisation policy and the education sector -- Chapter 2. Issues faced by education professionals -- Chapter 3. Issues faced by students and their families -- Chapter 4. Challenges to human rights and fundamental freedoms -- Chapter 5. Challenges to the goals of democratic education -- Chapter 6. Challenges to the goals of counter-terrorism policy -- Conclusion -- Recommendations -- References -- About the author -- Copyright -- Table of contents.

An international political sociology of diaspora politics -- Seeing like an emigration state (1880-1991) -- Croatian diaspora nationalism and the transnational political field (1945-1987) -- Croatia, a diaspora forged in war (1987-1993) -- Diaspora as a state category -- Diasporic citizenship, territory and the politics of belonging -- Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina : diaspora, territory, annexation -- Conclusion : theorizing the government of diasporas

"This book analyzes how states extend their sovereignty beyond their territories through the language of diasporas. An increasing number of states are interested in supporting, managing or controlling their populations abroad, something they define as their 'diaspora'. Yet what does it mean for governments to formulate claims of sovereignty over populations who reside outside the very borders that legitimate them? This book argues that 'diaspora' should be understood as a performative discourse that enables transnational political practices that could otherwise not be justified in a normative structure of world politics, dominated by the imperatives of territorial sovereignty. The empirical analysis focuses on the former Yugoslavia and contemporary Croatia. The first part of the book examines the history of the relations between Croats abroad and their homeland, from the emergence of the question of emigration as a problem of government in the late nineteenth century until the years preceding the formation of the contemporary Croatian state. The second part explores how, in the 1990s, the merging of bureaucratic categories and state practices into the category of 'diaspora' was instrumental in mobilizing Croats abroad during the 1991-1995 war; in reshuffling the balance between Serbs and Croats in the citizenry; and in the de facto annexation of parts of neighboring Bosnia-Herzegovina in the immediate aftermath of the war. This book will be of much interest to students of critical security studies, international political sociology, diaspora studies, border studies, and International Relations in general."--Provided by publisher

Abstract
How "critical" is mapping as a method in international relations (IR)? Critical approaches have fundamentally changed the practices of mapmaking in IR. They have replaced geopolitical representations of a world divided into territorial states with notions of fields, networks, flows, rhizomes, and assemblages. This shift is both conceptual and methodological: It has led to the introduction of new methods of representation, such as multiple correspondence analysis and network analysis. These new methods have, however, been subjected to a strong critique. They are accused of reproducing the very logics of power that they aim to question, and flatten the knowledge they aim to represent. There would be, as the argument goes, an inescapable theoretical and political bias embedded in these methods. This article engages with this debate, which is ultimately about the ontological and epistemological status of mathematical methods of visual representation and, more broadly, about the role of "making" in IR. It argues that practices of mapmaking can still be designed to function as critical tools. To illustrate this argument, this article draws on ongoing research on biometric mass surveillance as part of the Security Vision project.

While social and security policies have always overlapped in complex ways, recent developments in counter-terrorism policy suggest that Western European states, and the United Kingdom more specifically, are accelerating what can be termed the 'securitisation of social policy'1– namely, the increased submission of social policy actors and their practices to the logics of security and social control. With the PREVENT programme remaining highly controversial, what are the effects of these state practices? Has David Cameron's project of 'muscular liberalism', aimed at integration and community cohesion, been enforced through counter-radicalisation policies? This themed issue examines preventative counter-terrorism policies in the UK and the politics of religion, ethnicity and race they enact. The relation between social policy and critical security studies is explored by an interdisciplinary group of scholars.

Les attentats qui ont touché les villes occidentales au cours des douze dernières années (Madrid, Londres, Oslo, Boston, Toulouse, Bruxelles, Copenhague et maintenant Paris) nous effraient d'autant plus que leurs auteur.e.s ne viennent pas de l'étranger mais sont issu.e.s de nos propres sociétés. À cette peur s'en ajoute une autre pour un nombre croissant de parents, qui craignent que leur fils ou leur fille ne disparaisse un jour pour réapparaître en Syrie où 5000 à 6000 combattants européens ont, d'après les estimations, rejoint les rangs d'un groupe armé. Enfin, la peur d'être rejeté se diffuse au sein des minorités musulmanes confrontées à la suspicion du groupe majoritaire et, de façon croissante, à la stigmatisation et aux discriminations de la part d'institutions telles que les médias, l'école ou la police qui sont censées garantir leur information, leur éducation et leur sécurité. Répondant à ces peurs, les gouvernements européens ont renforcé et durci l'arsenal de la lutte contre le terrorisme : extension de la surveillance, pénalisation d'un nombre croissant d'activités (dont les déplacements vers la Syrie) intégrées dans une définition élargie du terrorisme, renforcement des contrôles aux frontières, instauration de mesures d'exception dans le droit pénal, etc. 1 . La politique antiterroriste ne se réduit cependant pas à ce volet répressif. S'y ajoute un volet préventif, souvent qualifié de « lutte contre la radicalisation », que Francesco Ragazzi interroge ici : quels sont les fondements de cette forme soft d'antiterrorisme qui se déploie depuis une dizaine d'années un peu partout en Europe ? Les mesures mises en œuvre ont-elles produit les effets recherchés ? Leurs effets pervers ne devraient-ils pas conduire à envisager d'autres approches ?