Suchergebnisse

The dissertation is based on data about almost 500 contemporary works of Lithuanian fiction: which of them are discussed in academic pulications; which are analysed in the students' finishing theses; which received state funding for publishing; which were awarded literary prizes; which are most often borrowed from libraries. Theoretical model defines all these factors as "acts of transmission", on which the "survival" of the work depends – whether or not it is going to be consumed and remembered in the future. The quantitative data is analysed alongside "performance protocols" - written statements about books, from online discussions and blogs to academic publications. The results indicate that the usual opposition of "popular" vs. "professionally acclaimed" is almost non-existant – the professional and non-professional readers in most cases choose the same books. However, the non-professional readers appreciate recognising what they find familiar from their experience of reality, whereas the professionals focus on comparing works of literature to each other. Finally, a third trend is recognised – it is called institutionalised taste. 48% of books funded by the state do not interest neither professional nor non-professional readers.

The dissertation is based on data about almos 500 contemporary works of Lithuanian fiction: which of them are discussed in academic pulications; which are analysed in the students' finishing theses; which received state funding for publishing; which were awarded literary prizes; which are most often borrowed from libraries. Theoretical model defines all these factors as "acts of transmission", on which the "survival" of the work depends – whether or not it is going to be consumed and remembered in the future. The quantitative data is analysed alongside "performance protocols" - written statements about books, from online discussions and blogs to academic publications. The results indicate that the usual opposition of "popular" vs. "professionally acclaimed" is almost non-existant – the professional and non-professional readers in most cases choose the same books. However, the non-professional readers appreciate recognising what they find familiar from their experience of reality, whereas the professionals focus on comparing works of literature to each other. Finally, a third trend is recognised – it is called institutionalised taste. 48% of books funded by the state do not interest neither professional nor non-professional readers

The dissertation is based on data about almost 500 contemporary works of Lithuanian fiction: which of them are discussed in academic pulications; which are analysed in the students' finishing theses; which received state funding for publishing; which were awarded literary prizes; which are most often borrowed from libraries. Theoretical model defines all these factors as "acts of transmission", on which the "survival" of the work depends – whether or not it is going to be consumed and remembered in the future. The quantitative data is analysed alongside "performance protocols" - written statements about books, from online discussions and blogs to academic publications. The results indicate that the usual opposition of "popular" vs. "professionally acclaimed" is almost non-existant – the professional and non-professional readers in most cases choose the same books. However, the non-professional readers appreciate recognising what they find familiar from their experience of reality, whereas the professionals focus on comparing works of literature to each other. Finally, a third trend is recognised – it is called institutionalised taste. 48% of books funded by the state do not interest neither professional nor non-professional readers.

The dissertation is based on data about almos 500 contemporary works of Lithuanian fiction: which of them are discussed in academic pulications; which are analysed in the students' finishing theses; which received state funding for publishing; which were awarded literary prizes; which are most often borrowed from libraries. Theoretical model defines all these factors as "acts of transmission", on which the "survival" of the work depends – whether or not it is going to be consumed and remembered in the future. The quantitative data is analysed alongside "performance protocols" - written statements about books, from online discussions and blogs to academic publications. The results indicate that the usual opposition of "popular" vs. "professionally acclaimed" is almost non-existant – the professional and non-professional readers in most cases choose the same books. However, the non-professional readers appreciate recognising what they find familiar from their experience of reality, whereas the professionals focus on comparing works of literature to each other. Finally, a third trend is recognised – it is called institutionalised taste. 48% of books funded by the state do not interest neither professional nor non-professional readers

The dissertation is based on data about almost 500 contemporary works of Lithuanian fiction: which of them are discussed in academic pulications; which are analysed in the students' finishing theses; which received state funding for publishing; which were awarded literary prizes; which are most often borrowed from libraries. Theoretical model defines all these factors as "acts of transmission", on which the "survival" of the work depends – whether or not it is going to be consumed and remembered in the future. The quantitative data is analysed alongside "performance protocols" - written statements about books, from online discussions and blogs to academic publications. The results indicate that the usual opposition of "popular" vs. "professionally acclaimed" is almost non-existant – the professional and non-professional readers in most cases choose the same books. However, the non-professional readers appreciate recognising what they find familiar from their experience of reality, whereas the professionals focus on comparing works of literature to each other. Finally, a third trend is recognised – it is called institutionalised taste. 48% of books funded by the state do not interest neither professional nor non-professional readers.

The dissertation is based on data about almos 500 contemporary works of Lithuanian fiction: which of them are discussed in academic pulications; which are analysed in the students' finishing theses; which received state funding for publishing; which were awarded literary prizes; which are most often borrowed from libraries. Theoretical model defines all these factors as "acts of transmission", on which the "survival" of the work depends – whether or not it is going to be consumed and remembered in the future. The quantitative data is analysed alongside "performance protocols" - written statements about books, from online discussions and blogs to academic publications. The results indicate that the usual opposition of "popular" vs. "professionally acclaimed" is almost non-existant – the professional and non-professional readers in most cases choose the same books. However, the non-professional readers appreciate recognising what they find familiar from their experience of reality, whereas the professionals focus on comparing works of literature to each other. Finally, a third trend is recognised – it is called institutionalised taste. 48% of books funded by the state do not interest neither professional nor non-professional readers

The common reference to the Baltic States as a single geopolitical entity conceals the actual differences between Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. The article aims to outline the principal similarities and differences between Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania in the field of gender equality politics developed within gender mainstreaming approach in attempt to better understanding of the current gender gaps in these countries. The research focuses on how national gender equality machineries were (re)constructed in accordance with international commitments to the UN and the EU after the restoration of independence in the Baltic States. It is demonstrated that differences between the Baltic States in the institutionalization of the contemporary structure of gender equality machinery were overcome once they became EU members. The current outcomes of gender equality politics are described on the basis of the Global Gender Gap Report 2017. The empirical data are provided for three Baltic States by analysing their gender gaps in four spheres ñ Economic participation and opportunity, Education attainment, Political empowerment and Health and survival. According to the Global Gender Gap Index, the Baltic States are among the EU Member States with the average / slightly above-average gender equality. The article argues that confirmation of the institutionalization of the contemporary gender equality machinery, the content of national governmental activities and the predominant relationship model with civil society in the Baltic States indicate that gender mainstreaming is likely yet another and the most recent social policy tool for the management of human resources. Thus, Latvia usually demonstrates a minimal attachment to gender mainstreaming. Moreover, Latvia has regressed somewhat in this respect in 2013. However, current Latvia can be considered as having more equality than Lithuania and Estonia. Among all countries participated in the research in 2017, Latvia ranks 10th, Lithuania, accordingly, 12th, and Estonia, accordingly, 16th. The case of Latvia levering the rank up due to positive trends in closing gender gaps in both Economic Participation and Opportunity and Political Empowerment subindexes confirms an assumption that rather social changes related to national demographical and economic development than merely technocratic sophistication of gender equality politics has a profound impact on current statistical indexes related to gender equality

The common reference to the Baltic States as a single geopolitical entity conceals the actual differences between Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. The article aims to outline the principal similarities and differences between Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania in the field of gender equality politics developed within gender mainstreaming approach in attempt to better understanding of the current gender gaps in these countries. The research focuses on how national gender equality machineries were (re)constructed in accordance with international commitments to the UN and the EU after the restoration of independence in the Baltic States. It is demonstrated that differences between the Baltic States in the institutionalization of the contemporary structure of gender equality machinery were overcome once they became EU members. The current outcomes of gender equality politics are described on the basis of the Global Gender Gap Report 2017. The empirical data are provided for three Baltic States by analysing their gender gaps in four spheres ñ Economic participation and opportunity, Education attainment, Political empowerment and Health and survival. According to the Global Gender Gap Index, the Baltic States are among the EU Member States with the average / slightly above-average gender equality. The article argues that confirmation of the institutionalization of the contemporary gender equality machinery, the content of national governmental activities and the predominant relationship model with civil society in the Baltic States indicate that gender mainstreaming is likely yet another and the most recent social policy tool for the management of human resources. Thus, Latvia usually demonstrates a minimal attachment to gender mainstreaming. Moreover, Latvia has regressed somewhat in this respect in 2013. However, current Latvia can be considered as having more equality than Lithuania and Estonia. Among all countries participated in the research in 2017, Latvia ranks 10th, Lithuania, accordingly, 12th, and Estonia, accordingly, 16th. The case of Latvia levering the rank up due to positive trends in closing gender gaps in both Economic Participation and Opportunity and Political Empowerment subindexes confirms an assumption that rather social changes related to national demographical and economic development than merely technocratic sophistication of gender equality politics has a profound impact on current statistical indexes related to gender equality

The common reference to the Baltic States as a single geopolitical entity conceals the actual differences between Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. The article aims to outline the principal similarities and differences between Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania in the field of gender equality politics developed within gender mainstreaming approach in attempt to better understanding of the current gender gaps in these countries. The research focuses on how national gender equality machineries were (re)constructed in accordance with international commitments to the UN and the EU after the restoration of independence in the Baltic States. It is demonstrated that differences between the Baltic States in the institutionalization of the contemporary structure of gender equality machinery were overcome once they became EU members. The current outcomes of gender equality politics are described on the basis of the Global Gender Gap Report 2017. The empirical data are provided for three Baltic States by analysing their gender gaps in four spheres ñ Economic participation and opportunity, Education attainment, Political empowerment and Health and survival. According to the Global Gender Gap Index, the Baltic States are among the EU Member States with the average / slightly above-average gender equality. The article argues that confirmation of the institutionalization of the contemporary gender equality machinery, the content of national governmental activities and the predominant relationship model with civil society in the Baltic States indicate that gender mainstreaming is likely yet another and the most recent social policy tool for the management of human resources. Thus, Latvia usually demonstrates a minimal attachment to gender mainstreaming. Moreover, Latvia has regressed somewhat in this respect in 2013. However, current Latvia can be considered as having more equality than Lithuania and Estonia. Among all countries participated in the research in 2017, Latvia ranks 10th, Lithuania, accordingly, 12th, and Estonia, accordingly, 16th. The case of Latvia levering the rank up due to positive trends in closing gender gaps in both Economic Participation and Opportunity and Political Empowerment subindexes confirms an assumption that rather social changes related to national demographical and economic development than merely technocratic sophistication of gender equality politics has a profound impact on current statistical indexes related to gender equality

The common reference to the Baltic States as a single geopolitical entity conceals the actual differences between Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. The article aims to outline the principal similarities and differences between Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania in the field of gender equality politics developed within gender mainstreaming approach in attempt to better understanding of the current gender gaps in these countries. The research focuses on how national gender equality machineries were (re)constructed in accordance with international commitments to the UN and the EU after the restoration of independence in the Baltic States. It is demonstrated that differences between the Baltic States in the institutionalization of the contemporary structure of gender equality machinery were overcome once they became EU members. The current outcomes of gender equality politics are described on the basis of the Global Gender Gap Report 2017. The empirical data are provided for three Baltic States by analysing their gender gaps in four spheres ñ Economic participation and opportunity, Education attainment, Political empowerment and Health and survival. According to the Global Gender Gap Index, the Baltic States are among the EU Member States with the average / slightly above-average gender equality. The article argues that confirmation of the institutionalization of the contemporary gender equality machinery, the content of national governmental activities and the predominant relationship model with civil society in the Baltic States indicate that gender mainstreaming is likely yet another and the most recent social policy tool for the management of human resources. Thus, Latvia usually demonstrates a minimal attachment to gender mainstreaming. Moreover, Latvia has regressed somewhat in this respect in 2013. However, current Latvia can be considered as having more equality than Lithuania and Estonia. Among all countries participated in the research in 2017, Latvia ranks 10th, Lithuania, accordingly, 12th, and Estonia, accordingly, 16th. The case of Latvia levering the rank up due to positive trends in closing gender gaps in both Economic Participation and Opportunity and Political Empowerment subindexes confirms an assumption that rather social changes related to national demographical and economic development than merely technocratic sophistication of gender equality politics has a profound impact on current statistical indexes related to gender equality

The word "mysticism" is known to be a term that is now being used and associated with something which is negative – a mockery. It can be said that this perception of the term is based on certain historical events, when, in the central philosophies of particular religions (in this work, focus will be drawn only on Christian mysticism), a unique shift took place – during the early modernity in most of the Christian Churches, there occurred a split between theology and spirituality. Therefore, everything that had even a slight implication of mysticism was seen as irrelevant and unimportant. In addition to this, it is possible to say that our contemporary era has lost all belief in any reality that surpasses peoples daily tasks. Because of this, the vast majority of postmodernists tend to argue that mysticism can not be part of any philosophy, including a political one. This article concentrates on the thought of Simone Weil, a unique French philosopher and mystic, in order to prove through her work that mysticism can potentially enrich political philosophy. This is being done by analyzing her work and attempting to underline the supernatural element between the human and society. This supernatural element will yield a further investigation of how Simone Weil's mysticism can affect political philosophy. In order to find this element, the concepts of the human and the society that occur in Simone Weil's philosophy will be analyzed separately. In the first part, it is analyzed how Simone Weil perceived humans. She drastically separates the human, who, in her thought, possesses a transcendent core that can be violated, from the person, who is illusionary. Meanwhile, the second part concentrates on Weil's perception of the relation between society and the human. Society is seen by Weil as the Platonic Great Beast, but it may also be a source of pure fulfillment – roots – for the human being. In this part of the study, the roots of a human being in society and the tragedy of uprootedness are discussed further. The third part develops an idea of why mysticism can be seen as an important part of political philosophy and why it should not be neglected: it provides a different angle – a divine one – for viewing people's daily lives and their culture. Mysticism always comes from a certain culture, and it is important, since a mystic communicates their thought through that culture; however, a mystic also is able to critically address the surrounding culture because of the divine point of view. That is why mysticism is essential for political philosophy.

The word "mysticism" is known to be a term that is now being used and associated with something which is negative – a mockery. It can be said that this perception of the term is based on certain historical events, when, in the central philosophies of particular religions (in this work, focus will be drawn only on Christian mysticism), a unique shift took place – during the early modernity in most of the Christian Churches, there occurred a split between theology and spirituality. Therefore, everything that had even a slight implication of mysticism was seen as irrelevant and unimportant. In addition to this, it is possible to say that our contemporary era has lost all belief in any reality that surpasses peoples daily tasks. Because of this, the vast majority of postmodernists tend to argue that mysticism can not be part of any philosophy, including a political one. This article concentrates on the thought of Simone Weil, a unique French philosopher and mystic, in order to prove through her work that mysticism can potentially enrich political philosophy. This is being done by analyzing her work and attempting to underline the supernatural element between the human and society. This supernatural element will yield a further investigation of how Simone Weil's mysticism can affect political philosophy. In order to find this element, the concepts of the human and the society that occur in Simone Weil's philosophy will be analyzed separately. In the first part, it is analyzed how Simone Weil perceived humans. She drastically separates the human, who, in her thought, possesses a transcendent core that can be violated, from the person, who is illusionary. Meanwhile, the second part concentrates on Weil's perception of the relation between society and the human. Society is seen by Weil as the Platonic Great Beast, but it may also be a source of pure fulfillment – roots – for the human being. In this part of the study, the roots of a human being in society and the tragedy of uprootedness are discussed further. The third part develops an idea of why mysticism can be seen as an important part of political philosophy and why it should not be neglected: it provides a different angle – a divine one – for viewing people's daily lives and their culture. Mysticism always comes from a certain culture, and it is important, since a mystic communicates their thought through that culture; however, a mystic also is able to critically address the surrounding culture because of the divine point of view. That is why mysticism is essential for political philosophy.

The word "mysticism" is known to be a term that is now being used and associated with something which is negative – a mockery. It can be said that this perception of the term is based on certain historical events, when, in the central philosophies of particular religions (in this work, focus will be drawn only on Christian mysticism), a unique shift took place – during the early modernity in most of the Christian Churches, there occurred a split between theology and spirituality. Therefore, everything that had even a slight implication of mysticism was seen as irrelevant and unimportant. In addition to this, it is possible to say that our contemporary era has lost all belief in any reality that surpasses peoples daily tasks. Because of this, the vast majority of postmodernists tend to argue that mysticism can not be part of any philosophy, including a political one. This article concentrates on the thought of Simone Weil, a unique French philosopher and mystic, in order to prove through her work that mysticism can potentially enrich political philosophy. This is being done by analyzing her work and attempting to underline the supernatural element between the human and society. This supernatural element will yield a further investigation of how Simone Weil's mysticism can affect political philosophy. In order to find this element, the concepts of the human and the society that occur in Simone Weil's philosophy will be analyzed separately. In the first part, it is analyzed how Simone Weil perceived humans. She drastically separates the human, who, in her thought, possesses a transcendent core that can be violated, from the person, who is illusionary. Meanwhile, the second part concentrates on Weil's perception of the relation between society and the human. Society is seen by Weil as the Platonic Great Beast, but it may also be a source of pure fulfillment – roots – for the human being. In this part of the study, the roots of a human being in society and the tragedy of uprootedness are discussed further. The third part develops an idea of why mysticism can be seen as an important part of political philosophy and why it should not be neglected: it provides a different angle – a divine one – for viewing people's daily lives and their culture. Mysticism always comes from a certain culture, and it is important, since a mystic communicates their thought through that culture; however, a mystic also is able to critically address the surrounding culture because of the divine point of view. That is why mysticism is essential for political philosophy.

The word "mysticism" is known to be a term that is now being used and associated with something which is negative – a mockery. It can be said that this perception of the term is based on certain historical events, when, in the central philosophies of particular religions (in this work, focus will be drawn only on Christian mysticism), a unique shift took place – during the early modernity in most of the Christian Churches, there occurred a split between theology and spirituality. Therefore, everything that had even a slight implication of mysticism was seen as irrelevant and unimportant. In addition to this, it is possible to say that our contemporary era has lost all belief in any reality that surpasses peoples daily tasks. Because of this, the vast majority of postmodernists tend to argue that mysticism can not be part of any philosophy, including a political one. This article concentrates on the thought of Simone Weil, a unique French philosopher and mystic, in order to prove through her work that mysticism can potentially enrich political philosophy. This is being done by analyzing her work and attempting to underline the supernatural element between the human and society. This supernatural element will yield a further investigation of how Simone Weil's mysticism can affect political philosophy. In order to find this element, the concepts of the human and the society that occur in Simone Weil's philosophy will be analyzed separately. In the first part, it is analyzed how Simone Weil perceived humans. She drastically separates the human, who, in her thought, possesses a transcendent core that can be violated, from the person, who is illusionary. Meanwhile, the second part concentrates on Weil's perception of the relation between society and the human. Society is seen by Weil as the Platonic Great Beast, but it may also be a source of pure fulfillment – roots – for the human being. In this part of the study, the roots of a human being in society and the tragedy of uprootedness are discussed further. The third part develops an idea of why mysticism can be seen as an important part of political philosophy and why it should not be neglected: it provides a different angle – a divine one – for viewing people's daily lives and their culture. Mysticism always comes from a certain culture, and it is important, since a mystic communicates their thought through that culture; however, a mystic also is able to critically address the surrounding culture because of the divine point of view. That is why mysticism is essential for political philosophy.

The growth of the television as a part of mass media channel persuaded commencement of new kinds of political communication. Political advertisement in TV became a brightest but also not so clear-cut phenomenon of political being. Political TV spots in contemporary election process war are ones of essential well organized and fully controlled communication patterns. The pattern and targets of the political advertisement where changing in the evolution of general election processes. V. Cvalina asserts that the main goal of the modern political advertisement it's not the information flue but impact on an advertisement receivers behavior. After analyzing electors behavior author of theory ascertain the fact that a person makes its election decision on an emotional base. The main target of my treatise is to explore and analyze the emotional relationship between the elector and its voting object. What impact it has for making decisions and that are the main ambiences on modern political TV advertisements. The detailed tasks of my researches are to analyze the concept of the nowadays political advertisement, its functions, types of content of the political TV spots and the process of the political election modernization. Also it is important to understand the way electors are making their political decisions. The object of my research is Polish political party of "Civic Platform" and their political TV spots translated due to the General Seym and Senate elections in 2007. B. Dobek – Ostrovskas, M. Mazurs, V. Cvalinas empirical researches were taken for the theoretical background as a base of political marketing and communication knowledge. It was a source of all illations regarding general election processes, political communication functions, on differentiation of types of content of political TV spots and its impact for elector decisional process. The analysis of scientific literature in the first two parts of my treatise made a possibility for practical scrutiny in the third of my academic work. Quantity and quality researches of political TV spots gave me possibility to take these kinds of conclusions: firstly- emotional relationship between elector and political party is based on different kinds of persuasion and political marketing methods, secondly- all "Civic Platform" TV spots where made based on political party image and socio-political situation in the country. Obviously the main target of all reviewed TV spots is to persuade elector decision on the elections day. As distinguishing features I could mention several of them: periodicity of the TV spots, political party's slogan adaptation to different kind of mass communication, big expenditures, persuasive way of communication, negative advertisement and political personality process. Distinguishing features of political advertisement in Poland are in a strait line with the processes of elections modernization. It gives a conclusion that politics are valuated like a market and election processes goes by the simple rules of marketing.