Suchergebnisse

In this paper, the author analyzes the key stages in the development of the Republic of Srpska, since its formation in 9 January 1992. In this context, it elaborates the process of genesis of the Republic of Srpska, its international verification by the Dayton Peace Agreement, post-conflict consolidation as a process of trial of the constitutional reform in Bosnia and Herzegovina that would redistribute responsibilities between the entity and state authorities. However, the paper points out that the Republic of Serbian unquestionable categories and that the current attempt by the U.S. and the EU for the amendment of the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina did not imply denial of two-entity structure of the state. In the future, how would you rate the author will attempt leading actors in world politics to redesign the institutional framework at the level of Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as to strengthening its negotiating capacity to assume the obligations related to membership of the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization.

Atatürk problemlerin çözümünde daima barış yanlısı olmuştur. Barışı sadece ülkesi için değil, bütün dünya için istemiştir. Bu düşüncesini "Yurtta Barış, Dünya'da Barış" sözüyle ifade etmiştir. Atatürk, Milli Mücadele döneminde de barışın sağlanması için çalışmıştır. Bunu gerçekleştirmenin yolunun da işgalin sona erdirilmesi olduğunu belirtmiştir. Ancak İtilaf devletleri işgalden vazgeçmedikleri için Türk Milleti bağımsızlığını kazanmak amacıyla cephede mücadele etmek zorunda kalmıştır. Atatürk, zafer kazanıldıktan sonra da kalıcı bir barış antlaşmasının gerçekleşmesi için gayret göstermiştir. Bu gayretler sonucu imzalanan Lozan Antlaşması'ndan sonra da barışçı politikasını sürdürmüştür. Başta komşu devletler olmak üzere tüm devletlerle iyi ilişkilerde bulunmuş ve Balkan Paktı ile Sadabat Paktı'nın kurulmasına öncülük etmiştir. Dünyadaki bütün barışçı çalışmaları desteklemiş, savaşları önleme ve silahsızlanmaya yönelik çabaların tamamında yer almıştır. Türkiye'nin dünyada barışı sağlamak amacıyla kurulan Birleşmiş Milletler'e üye olmasına da katkıda bulunmuştur ; Atatürk has always been in favor of peace in solution of problems he encountered. He wanted the peace not only for his country but also for the entire world. He expressed this view as "Peace in home, peace on the world". He also tried to establish a peacefull environment during the National Struggle. He stated that the way to enable this was putting the enemy invasion to the end. But he had to war in order to gain independence for his country because the Allied Nations didn't give up invading it. Atatürk also made efforts to provide a permanent peace agreement following the victory. He sustained his peaceful policies after Lausenne Agreement signed by means of these efforts. He made good contacts with other countries, especially those surrounding Turkey and led to Balcan Agreement and Sadabat Agreement. He supported all peaceful efforts on the world and tried to prevent wars and took part in efforts to enable disarmament. He contributed to Turkey for it to be a member of United Nations founded to provide peace on the world.

Projects on the establishment of world peace in the late Middle Ages were initially marked by religious views on the world. Christian church was the subject of war and peace and it did not make differences among peoples. It had universal aspirations. This dogmatic comprehension will be abandoned by the appearance of national states where the state becomes subject of war and peace. A division among nations appears and the possibility of their mutual recognition. In that way relations among states are being regulated from the point of view of international relations. His basic principle becomes the one of sovereign equality, this could happen after the termination of religious wars which got its peak by Westphalia peace. Starting from Dubois, Podjebrady, Penn, Duke of Silly, via Hobbes, Grotius end Puffendorf, it will be possible to determine how changes in society political systems and way of production influenced the developments of ideas on perpetual peace. The achievements of these thinkers were revolutionary and were still valid. It is worth mentioning the principles of sovereign equality of states, the presence of realism in international relations and the existence of judicial institutions such as the International Court of Justice.

II. Dünya Savaşı'nın ardından kurulan Birleşmiş Milletlerde, savaşın galibi beş devletin daimî üye olarak yer aldığı Güvenlik Konseyi oldukça güçlü ve geniş yetkiler- le donatılmış, buna mukabil tüm üye devletlerin eşit bir şekilde temsil edildiği Genel Kurul bir müzakere organı olarak şekillendirilmiştir. Ancak Güvenlik Konseyinin be- lirleyici ve hükmedici bir konuma sahip kılındığı bu sistemin, temel amaç olan ulus- lararası barış ve güvenliğin sağlanması açısından başarısız olduğu ortaya çıkmıştır. Özellikle daimî üyelerin Birleşmiş Milletler Andlaşması ile kendilerine tanınan veto yetkilerini sıkça kullanmaları sebebiyle, Güvenlik Konseyinden karar almak neredey- se imkânsız hâle gelmiştir. Uluslararası barış ve güvenliği tehdit eden veya ihlâl eden olaylar karşısında Güvenlik Konseyinin etkin bir şekilde harekete geçememesi, Gü- venlik Konseyi özelinde Birleşmiş Milletleri haklı eleştirilerin hedefi haline getirmek- tedir. Birleşmiş Milletler sisteminin yaşanan bu tür sorunlar ve günümüz ihtiyaçları doğrultusunda yeniden şekillendirilmesi yönündeki çabaların sonuç vermediği dikkate alındığında, daimî üyelerin sahip oldukları veto yetkilerini kötüye kullanmaları karşı- sında, Genel Kurulun 1950 tarihli Barış İçin Birlik Kararı kapsamında harekete geç- mesinin en uygun ve elverişli seçenek olduğu görülmektedir. ; The Security Council, being one of the main bodies of the United Nations es- tablished after the Second World War, is composed of five permanent members and empowered with large and strong powers, in contrast with General Assembly desig- ned just as negotiation organ although all member states are represented only in this body. However, it is obvious that the Security Council dominant UN system aiming international peace and security has not been successful. Especially due to frequent use of veto power by permanent members has blocked decision making. The inability and immobility of Security Council against the actions creating threats to international peace and security has made the UN system a target of rightful criticism. Taking into consideration these problems and futile reform efforts for restructuring the UN sys- tem, the most appropriate and convenient option to prevent abuses of veto powers by permanent members is to act according to Uniting for Peace Resolution of the General Assembly dated 1950.

Bu çalışmada 1960'lardan sonra değişim gösteren toplumsal hareketler literatürü ve özellikle 11 Eylül 2001 saldırılarından sonra boyut değiştiren barış aktivizmi bağlamında Doğu Konferansı adlı oluşumun barış aktivizmi yapan bir toplumsal hareket olarak değerlendirilmesinin ne ölçüde mümkün olduğu araştırılacaktır. Bu bağlamda Doğu Konferansı oluşumunun içerisinde yer almış ve aktif olarak faaliyetlere katılmış olan kişilerle yapılan derinlemesine mülakatlar ve oluşumun yapmış olduğu yayınlar ile basına ve kamuoyuna yansımış metinler derlenen veriler kullanılacaktır. Bu veriler öncelikle 1960 sonrası toplumsal hareketler literatüründe bu fenomeni acıkmaya çalışan dört temel yaklaşım olan kolektif davranış yaklaşımı, kaynak mobilizasyonu teorisi, siyasi süreç yaklaşımı ve yeni toplumsal hareketler yaklaşımı bağlamında incelenecektir. Ardından Johan Galtung'un pozitif ve negatif barış kavramları üzerinden değerlendirilen veriler ışığında, Doğu Konferansı oluşumunu barış aktivizmi yapan bir toplumsal hareket olarak tanımlamanın ne derece mümkün olduğu değerlendirilecektir. ; In this study, it will be investigated to what extent it is possible to evaluate the Eastern Conference as a peace activist social movement in the context of the social movements literature that changed after the 1960s and especially the peace activism that changed dimensions after the September 11, 2001 attacks. In this context, data compiled from in-depth interviews with people who took part in the formation of the Eastern Conference and actively participated in the activities, and from the publications made by the Conference, as well as texts that were collected from the press, will be used. These data will be examined primarily in the context of the collective behavior perspective, resource mobilization theory, political process perspective and new social movements approach, which are the four main approaches that try to explain this phenomenon in the post-1960 social movements literature. Then, in the light of the data analyzed with the positive and negative peace concepts of Johan Galtung, it will be evaluated to what extent it is possible to define the Eastern Conference as a social movement engaged in peace activism.

Peace has all the characteristics of pure public goods, such as non-excludability and non-rivalry. While peace in national level is a public good, peace in international level is a global public good which should be financed accordingly. In this study, first, characteristics of peace as a global public good is investigated, then, how peace operations are financed in United Nations (UN) is examined. Although, there have been significant improvements on financing structure of UN peace operations, it is still not very efficient and the current level of funding for UN peace operations is inadequate. There is also a need for an effective sanction for late payment of peacekeeping assessments. In the literature, there have been many new ideas to finance peace operations more effectively, ranging from insurance approach (countries get insurance from UN) to applying some kind of arm trade tax on countries. Suggestions to improve financing peacekeeping operations as global public goods are also discussed in this study.

Peace has all the characteristics of pure public goods, such as non-excludability and non-rivalry. While peace in national level is a public good, peace in international level is a global public good which should be financed accordingly. In this study, first, characteristics of peace as a global public good is investigated, then, how peace operations are financed in United Nations (UN) is examined. Although, there have been significant improvements on financing structure of UN peace operations, it is still not very efficient and the current level of funding for UN peace operations is inadequate. There is also a need for an effective sanction for late payment of peacekeeping assessments. In the literature, there have been many new ideas to finance peace operations more effectively, ranging from insurance approach (countries get insurance from UN) to applying some kind of arm trade tax on countries. Suggestions to improve financing peacekeeping operations as global public goods are also discussed in this study.

Although it had had some drawbacks, Dayton's Peace Accord was to be a successful one due to the following reasons: Firstly, USA finally realised they had been the crucial factor of war ending in Bosnia and Herzegovina, otherwise their credibility as the great power would be put into question. Secondly, Croatian military operation called 'Oluja' ('Storm') and ruthless bombing of Serbian targets in Bosnia and Herzegovina changed balance of power and created factual fundament for negotiation on territorial division by drawing of future maps on the field. Thirdly, Milošević finally realised Serbs from Bosnia were a primary obstacle toward the lifting of international sanctions and set free isolation. Fourthly, American administration gave a full freedom to the main negotiator Holbrooke to lead the negotiations. Finally, Dayton's Peace Accord managed to ensure the cease of fire, which was the greatest achievement of it. On the other hand, it could not give the answer to the question of the future of Bosnia and Herzegovina either it is in integration or separation. The basic problem which is going to appear during its implementation will include nation building process on the ruins of the war. This is because the above mentioned process is influenced by domestic political forces, considerations and dilemmas besides strong international civic and military presence. In this point coercive diplomacy has proven to be unsuccessful. It might be rung off.

Yugoslav programme made Serbia eliminate the idea of Great Serbia. By the combination of subsequent events, Russia's withdrawal from the war, and political decisions, Versailles peace conference, such idea would be hardly achieved. Regarding Yugoslav programme 'The allies were not delighted too much about the perspective which would be borne by this plan achievement. They had not even been delighted by the idea of Habsburgs Monarchy overthrow so that they did not approve it until the middle of 1918'. Nevertheless, it may be concluded that the basis of the idea of Great Serbia in the warrior period 1914-1918 makes the 'Annexation of all those areas which were Serbian from ethnical point of view. Parts of Austria-Hungary (Bosnia and Herzegovina, part of southern Adriatic coast, part of Banat, Srem, Bačka, and Slavonia) were primarily in question; later on it is diminished only to Bosnia and Herzegovina and part of the coast, but it is enlarged by annexation of Montenegro'. By combination of historical events, and influence of public and secret centres of world power it was not realized; the creation called The Kingdom of Serbs Croats and Slovenians, that is The Kingdom of Yugoslavia later on was created, where disintegrative factors overcame integrative ones, and the idea of Great Serbia remained any further actual with some political forces inside Serbian people as the unification of all ethnical Serbian areas within Yugoslavia.

Barış çalışmalarının geçmişten günümüze gelen süreçte bir takım değişiklikler sergilediği gözükmektedir. Bu değişiklikler, 21. Yüzyılın kendine özgü ekonomi politik yapısıyla değerlendirildiğinde sürdürülebilirlik kavramını gündeme getirmektedir. Barışın sürdürülebilir olma niteliği ise barış kavramının strateji ile olan ilişkisini ortaya çıkarmaktadır. Bu ilgileşim, barışın kurulma ve koruma aşamalarında stratejik davranışın sergilenmesi gerektiği sonucunu doğurmaktadır. ; It seems that peace studies have exhibit some changes between the past and present process. These changes put the term of sustainability to the center of the field when it evaluated with the economy politics structure of the 21st age. A sustainable attribution of the peace, reveals the relation with the term of peace with strategy. This correlation, results with the exhibition of the necessity of the strategic behavior in peace building and peace keeping processes.

Url: http://sutad.selcuk.edu.tr/sutad/article/view/273 ; Atatürk, karizmatik bir liderdir. Bu sebeple, O pek çok reformu herkese kabul ettirebilmiştir. Bunun sonucunda da Türkiye Cumhuriyetinin toplumsal ve kültürel kurumları yerleşmiştir. Atatürk, Türkiye Cumhuriyeti'nin karşısındaki bütün bölücü akımları engellemek için üniter ve laik devlet yapısını kabul etmiştir. Aynı zamanda dış politika ile ilgili dengeli ve barışsever yapılı bir politikayı benimsemiştir. O, bu konuda günümüz politikacılarına güzel bir örnektir. ; Ataturk is a charismatic leader. For that reason he has had a lot of reforms accepted everybody. Consequently, the social and cultural institutions of Turkish Republic has settle down. Ataturk has admitted the structure of unitier and seculer state to prevent all of the trend of dividing against Turkish republic. Ataturk has also appropriated a policy that has equilibrium and the structure of peacable about foreign politics. He is a good model of this subject for today's politicians.