Suchergebnisse

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Eleni Fournaraki, «Wherefore deprive her of the vote?». Universal male suffrage and the exclusion of women from politics in 19th century Greece Through study of the Greek case, this article tries to explore the exclusion of women from political rights in the context of liberal democracy as a historiographical problem. In contrast to the vast majority of representative states at the time, political circumstances prevailing in Greece led to the constitutional establishment of universal male suffrage in 1864, though not without provoking the discontent of a sizeable portion of the political scene for several years thereafter. According to «conventional» historical accounts, there can be no doubt that women's exclusion from «universal suffrage» in 1864, while not explicity articulated in the Constitution or any pertinent legislation, was regarded as self-evident. Furthermore, prior to 1910-20 the possibility of attributing the vote to women did not preoccupy party politics, while a suffragist movement did not appear before the Inter-war period. Our own approach can be summarized as follows: exploration of the meaning of women's exclusion from political rights in a democratic conjuncture that assured those rights to all adult men may reveal the full dimensions of the conflict dynamic that democratic conquests presuppose. In the first place, this dynamic applies to men themselves, or more precisely to the less privileged among them. As empirical data reveal, the question of women's political rights, even if acquiring those rights was not an existing possibility, could appear as a constructive element of the political discourse: women's exclusion could have been put forward as one of the issues in the argument against universal male suffrage. It is precisely the self-evident and trivial nature of this exclusion together with that of children which could offer a more convincing argument against the conception of suffrage as a natural right. A lack of internal coherence and consistency in the argument of the advocates of «universal suffrage», could be pointed out through the emphasis, conversely, on the irrationality of a regime that guaranteed political participation down to the very last «illiterate» or «vagrant» man, while depriving all women of the vote, especially those who had the ability to possess and administrate property. Support for suffrage for those women was not totally absent from such argumentation, which served to reveal the contradictions that women's exclusion from political rights brought to the heart of the modern system for the legitimization of sovereignty. Through examination of the arguments employed by the science of constitutional law to justify exclusion, we observe a broader process of redefinition and rationalization of the existing gender hierarchy, in modern terms. Crystallized in the last quarter of 19th century, this process appealed to the notion of the biological and psychological «specificity» of «female nature)) in order to legitimize the incompatibility of women as a whole with politics.

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Yiannis Papatheodorou, a The cruel April of 1944»: Fiction, History and Memory in Straus Tsirkas's Drifting Cities Stratis Tsirkas, a distinguished Greek diaspora novelist in Egypt, published his important and controversial trilogy {The Club, Ariagne, The Bat), in the early '60s. The novel is situated in three colonial Mediterranean cities —Jerusalem, Cairo and Alexandria— drifting towards chaos in a war-torn Middle East, during 1942-1944. As far as the plot is concerned, the trilogy is inscribed to the wider context of postwar European literary «master-narratives» elaborating representations of war, Nazism and resistance, and also opening an agenda to the traumatic phenomena of a discontinuous modernity: violence, social repression, exclusion of the Other. This article discusses the politics of history and memory in Stratis Tsirkas's trilogy Drifting Cities in order to show how he problematizes the tropes of historical representation in a dialogical perspective, by focalizing to the Greek military left underground «movement of April 1944». His historical point of view, which clearly can be identified as the «return of the repressed», is related to the questions of an alternative narration about the past, enriched within a critical and deliberating interpretation of the left collective memory.

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Juan Suriano, Cultural practices and politics of the argentine anarchism The writer attempts to establish the basic characteristics of the argentine anarchism, analyze its cultural dimensions and show the limits of its strategies. The basic concepts of the anarchism in Argentina were developed during the years 1870-1920, within a constantly changing and cosmopolitan social environment, since it was in that period that the country became part of the international market place. The anarchists' discourse, being flexible and out of rigid structures, based on the principles of class heterodoxy, individualism and universality, as well as on the spontaneous action, achieved to interpret, during the years 1890-1910, not only the demands of the working class, but also the discontent and frustration of the lower classes and oppressed social groups, in general. The anarchists undertook the mission to «illuminate» and educate morally the working class, through the doctrinaire press and a network of a considerable number of circles, clubs and alternative schools, which offered not only economic help but also education and entertainment to the workers and their families. On the other hand, the constant rejection, by the anarchists, of the concepts of citizenship, representation and political participation had a negative effect on the popularity of the movement: because of the new political situation during the 1910s —in 1912 all men obtained the right to vote—, the working class changed its attitude towards the electoral process and got interested in the social measures taken by the radical governments of the period; as a result, the anarchism faced serious difficulties to attract the interest of the lower classes.

Alexis Politis, Corinne, ou de la Prose Néohellénique. Athènes, 1835. Commentairessur la traduction de E. A. SimosÉdition des six feuilletons, parues dans la presse de l'époque, et signéspar des initiales, à l'occasion de la traduction de l'oeuvre de Madamede Staël. Il s'agit d'un discours sur la littérature, et surtout sur sa nécessitépour la société grecque moderne, qui n'a pas jusqu'à aujourd'huitiré l'attention des spécialistes. Des commentaires détaillés, une propositionpour les noms qui se cachaient sous les initiales et l'encadrementhistorique accompagnent l'édition. ; Alexis Politis, Corinne, ou de la Prose Néohellénique. Athènes, 1835. Commentairessur la traduction de E. A. SimosÉdition des six feuilletons, parues dans la presse de l'époque, et signéspar des initiales, à l'occasion de la traduction de l'oeuvre de Madamede Staël. Il s'agit d'un discours sur la littérature, et surtout sur sa nécessitépour la société grecque moderne, qui n'a pas jusqu'à aujourd'huitiré l'attention des spécialistes. Des commentaires détaillés, une propositionpour les noms qui se cachaient sous les initiales et l'encadrementhistorique accompagnent l'édition.

Dimitrios Stamatopoulos, The Church as State: representations of the Orthodoxmillet and the model of constitutional monarchy (second half of thenineteenth century)The institutionalised introduction of secular elements into the administrationof the Patriarchate of Constantinople after the ratification ofthe General Regulations (1860-1862) created the conditions for the emergenceof a discourse aimed at the internal reorganization of ecclesiasticalinstitutions based on the state model. This model was adopted not onlyby reform-minded circles but also by representatives of the clericalistwing, each with completely different political aims. The model of constitutionalmonarchy appeared as the most «functional» for solving thecentral political problem posed by the clericalist wing in the discussion:how could a regime of patriarchal centralization be applied without confutingthe essence of reform. This model of constitutionality prevailednot only because the reformers preferred it as an alternative version ofrestructuring the millet but because the clericalists espoused and promotedit in the form of a state model: that of the constitutional monarchy.And their aim was not only to prevent the domination of thelay element but also to avoid the formation of a public sphere, whichin any case in Eastern and Southeastern Europe was inherent in theemergence of a discourse on nation and nationalism. ; Dimitrios Stamatopoulos, The Church as State: representations of the Orthodoxmillet and the model of constitutional monarchy (second half of thenineteenth century)The institutionalised introduction of secular elements into the administrationof the Patriarchate of Constantinople after the ratification ofthe General Regulations (1860-1862) created the conditions for the emergenceof a discourse aimed at the internal reorganization of ecclesiasticalinstitutions based on the state model. This model was adopted not onlyby reform-minded circles but also by representatives of the clericalistwing, each with completely different political aims. The model of constitutionalmonarchy appeared as the most «functional» for solving thecentral political problem posed by the clericalist wing in the discussion:how could a regime of patriarchal centralization be applied without confutingthe essence of reform. This model of constitutionality prevailednot only because the reformers preferred it as an alternative version ofrestructuring the millet but because the clericalists espoused and promotedit in the form of a state model: that of the constitutional monarchy.And their aim was not only to prevent the domination of thelay element but also to avoid the formation of a public sphere, whichin any case in Eastern and Southeastern Europe was inherent in theemergence of a discourse on nation and nationalism.

Anne Karakatsoulis, La Revue des Deux Mondes pendant l'entre-deuxguerresLa Revue des Deux Mondes nuance fortement l'image-type de la revuequi a attiré l'attention de la recherche historique récente. Elle n'est pasle produit d'un petit groupe d'intellectuels marginaux, elle ne connaîtpas de mésaventures économiques ou de vacillations idéologiques, elleabhorre tout ce qui de loin pourrait ressembler à une avant-garde eten plus, elle réussit un trajectoire plus que centenaire. Fondée en 1829,elle avait rapidement trouvé son espace comme «grande revue de culturegénérale» s'adressant à une «élite intellectuelle», bourgeoise et bienpensante.Si en ses débuts elle côtoya les romantiques, après 1848 ellesuivit l'évolution de son public vers le conservatisme social et y demeura.Depuis le Second Empire et jusqu'à l'entre-deux-guerres, sesidées de fond furent le libéralisme et la grandeur de la France, avec unintermède fortement tenté de polémique catholique durant le passagede Ferdinand Brunetière à sa direction à l'aube du vingtième siècle.La Reçue des Deux Mondes dépasse le simple cas de la revue etatteint la dimension d'une institution littéraire et politique en réunissantpour cela les exigences de la permanence et de la reconnaissanceofficielle. De par sa longévité, sa diffusion mondiale croissante, sonpartimoine inébranlable d'abonnés fidèles qui transmettent la traditionde l'abonnement familial à la Revue de génération en génération, et enconséquence, sa situation économique florissante, mais aussi et par dessustout, de par la direction inspirée de René Doumic (1916-1937) etson équipe rédactionnelle, la Reçue des Deux Mondes devient la tribunedes grands hommes politiques et des littérateurs consacrés et parvientainsi à s'imposer comme «l'ambassadrice des lettres françaises». ; Anne Karakatsoulis, La Revue des Deux Mondes pendant l'entre-deuxguerresLa Revue des Deux Mondes nuance fortement l'image-type de la revuequi a attiré l'attention de la recherche historique récente. Elle n'est pasle produit d'un petit groupe d'intellectuels marginaux, elle ne connaîtpas de mésaventures économiques ou de vacillations idéologiques, elleabhorre tout ce qui de loin pourrait ressembler à une avant-garde eten plus, elle réussit un trajectoire plus que centenaire. Fondée en 1829,elle avait rapidement trouvé son espace comme «grande revue de culturegénérale» s'adressant à une «élite intellectuelle», bourgeoise et bienpensante.Si en ses débuts elle côtoya les romantiques, après 1848 ellesuivit l'évolution de son public vers le conservatisme social et y demeura.Depuis le Second Empire et jusqu'à l'entre-deux-guerres, sesidées de fond furent le libéralisme et la grandeur de la France, avec unintermède fortement tenté de polémique catholique durant le passagede Ferdinand Brunetière à sa direction à l'aube du vingtième siècle.La Reçue des Deux Mondes dépasse le simple cas de la revue etatteint la dimension d'une institution littéraire et politique en réunissantpour cela les exigences de la permanence et de la reconnaissanceofficielle. De par sa longévité, sa diffusion mondiale croissante, sonpartimoine inébranlable d'abonnés fidèles qui transmettent la traditionde l'abonnement familial à la Revue de génération en génération, et enconséquence, sa situation économique florissante, mais aussi et par dessustout, de par la direction inspirée de René Doumic (1916-1937) etson équipe rédactionnelle, la Reçue des Deux Mondes devient la tribunedes grands hommes politiques et des littérateurs consacrés et parvientainsi à s'imposer comme «l'ambassadrice des lettres françaises».

Haris Exertzoglou, Political rituals in Modem Greece: the reburial ofPatriarch Gregory V and the 50th anniversary of the Greek RevolutionThis paper explores political rituals in Modern Greece by focusing onthe 50th anniversary of the start of Greek War of Independence andthe particular place of a reburial procession in the celebrations. In 1871 the Greek state decided to proceed with the rehurial of Patriarch GregoryV, whose body, allegedly found a few days after his execution bythe Ottomans in 1821, was buried in Odessa. The decision was not simplya gesture of respect; it was meant to support the 50th anniversary ofthe Greek Revolution, and the reburial procession was planned as themain event of the celebration. As such, the reburial of Gregory V wasused as a means of making the heroic meaning of the Revolution visible,to attract mass attention and mobilize the participation of thepublic. Admittedly, the anniversary proved a major success. However,the reburial procession, the key event of the celebration, exposed atension in the celebration: not only the mourning dimension of theprocession was not compatible with the gay aspects of the nationalfeast, it also generated varied meanings, some of them directly opposingthe heroic memory of the Revolution and the irredentist prospects ofthe Greek state. This aspect suggests that, however successful, politicalrituals are inherently contradictory events always susceptible to various,even contingent, uses. ; Haris Exertzoglou, Political rituals in Modem Greece: the reburial ofPatriarch Gregory V and the 50th anniversary of the Greek RevolutionThis paper explores political rituals in Modern Greece by focusing onthe 50th anniversary of the start of Greek War of Independence andthe particular place of a reburial procession in the celebrations. In 1871 the Greek state decided to proceed with the rehurial of Patriarch GregoryV, whose body, allegedly found a few days after his execution bythe Ottomans in 1821, was buried in Odessa. The decision was not simplya gesture of respect; it was meant to support the 50th anniversary ofthe Greek Revolution, and the reburial procession was planned as themain event of the celebration. As such, the reburial of Gregory V wasused as a means of making the heroic meaning of the Revolution visible,to attract mass attention and mobilize the participation of thepublic. Admittedly, the anniversary proved a major success. However,the reburial procession, the key event of the celebration, exposed atension in the celebration: not only the mourning dimension of theprocession was not compatible with the gay aspects of the nationalfeast, it also generated varied meanings, some of them directly opposingthe heroic memory of the Revolution and the irredentist prospects ofthe Greek state. This aspect suggests that, however successful, politicalrituals are inherently contradictory events always susceptible to various,even contingent, uses.

Eleni Varikas, Les notions du «social» et du «politique» dans l'histoireDans cet article, je traite de certains problèmes théoriques et méthodologiquesqui résultent de la dissociation du «social)) et du «politique» dans l'étude du passé. Partant de l'historicité d'une telle dissociation,et de son rapport étroit avec la constitution historique des sciencessociales, j'interroge la difficulté de l'étude du passé de s'arracher à ladimension scientiste d'une telle tradition qui a longtemps attribué àl'Histoire le statut de la Providence. Au coeur d'une telle conception del'histoire, se situe la notion du progrès qui accorde au «fait vainqueur»,une autorité à la fois éthique et scientifique. Au delà de ses implicationsproblématiques sur le plan éthique, une telle démarche pose des problèmesde rigueur scientifique dont le plus important est d'éloigner de notrevision l'imprévisible, l'inconnu, tout ce qu'on ne peut déduire de ce quel'on connaît déjà. Partant d'exemples pris dans l'histoire des idées etl'histoire politique, je plaide enfin pour la valeur euristique d'une optiquede l'échec, c'est-à-dire d'un point de vue qui revisite le passé du pointde vue des projets, actions, promesses qui ont échoué. ; Eleni Varikas, Les notions du «social» et du «politique» dans l'histoireDans cet article, je traite de certains problèmes théoriques et méthodologiquesqui résultent de la dissociation du «social)) et du «politique» dans l'étude du passé. Partant de l'historicité d'une telle dissociation,et de son rapport étroit avec la constitution historique des sciencessociales, j'interroge la difficulté de l'étude du passé de s'arracher à ladimension scientiste d'une telle tradition qui a longtemps attribué àl'Histoire le statut de la Providence. Au coeur d'une telle conception del'histoire, se situe la notion du progrès qui accorde au «fait vainqueur»,une autorité à la fois éthique et scientifique. Au delà de ses implicationsproblématiques sur le plan éthique, une telle démarche pose des problèmesde rigueur scientifique dont le plus important est d'éloigner de notrevision l'imprévisible, l'inconnu, tout ce qu'on ne peut déduire de ce quel'on connaît déjà. Partant d'exemples pris dans l'histoire des idées etl'histoire politique, je plaide enfin pour la valeur euristique d'une optiquede l'échec, c'est-à-dire d'un point de vue qui revisite le passé du pointde vue des projets, actions, promesses qui ont échoué.

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; This article focuses on the function of the institution of family in the framework of the Greek Orthodox society of Kos during the 18th and 19th centuries. The existence of issues which consisted violation of what was legislated according to the regulations of the Church was remarkable. Such violations were the provision of divorce after adultery and the usual records of divorces after the «common will» of the couple. In particular, during the 18th century, according to the practice of the Court of the Church in Kos, it is obvious that any case was not solved as it was legislated by the Church in the past but it was solved «ad hoc». Thus, the function of the Family Law in the provision of justice by the Court of the Church in the 18th century was based, not on already existed and objective criteria, but on solutions ad hoc («κατ' οίκονομίαν») as the terminology of Church describes them. In this case the model of the Greek Orthodox Church became flexible in order to keep the control of the local Christian society, adapted in local or even temporary needs. This situation changed during the 19th century, when the Church tried —with the support of the local «demogerontes»— to play the role of the strict supervisor in issues of violation of the Family Law.

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; The purpose of this paper is to examine the role of cultural propaganda in formulating and conducting foreign policy aiming at political supremacy and cultural penetration within the overall context of the ideological conflict between East and West during the Cold War era. Educational and cultural exchanges and other events of a nominali}'' nonpolitical nature are examined within their political context. In particular, the paper observes Anglo-Soviet relations over Greece. These relations turned increasingly hostile in mid-February 1945. Around that time a marked intensification of Soviet propaganda occurred. In July 1945, the Greek-Soviet League was established. It is interesting that, in response, the British Foreign Office concidered that the British Council in Athens should be reinforced and acquire a permanent representative. It was also decided to reopen the question of the Anglo-Greek Cultural Convention that was signed in 1940 but never ratified. This presentation seeks to examine the purpose of establishing these two cultural agencies, their staffing, the funding of their activities, the content of their cultural programmes, and the profile of their Greek supporters, both state officials and private individuals. How successful was the effort by the British Council and the Greek-Soviet League to promote their cultural programmes and what was the impact of these programmes on Greek public opinion? How did their cultural initiatives continue during the Greek Civil War? On the basis of the sources available, did each agency, and if so to what degree, enjoy the support of the country it represented? The comparative study of British and Soviet cultural propaganda in Greece will contribute to understanding the differences and similarities in the means used by each country to achieve its political ends in Greece.

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; The article examines contemporary museums as a special educational environment for the development of subjects' (especially children's) historical knowledge, on the basis of the analysis of a) different museums and different approaches to history education, in terms of their epistemological background, and b) relevant research results. It is supported that the use of museum objects and collections as historical sources and their interpretation as historical evidence can introduce subjects to History as an «episteme», enable them to realise historical uncertainty, historical relativity and historical questioning, recall and develop historical knowledge in close relation to historical thinking and skills. Carefully organised educational programmes that aim to develop subjects' historical knowledge within a museum environment may also have great political significance, if they enable subjects to realise their right and abilities in «breaking», investigating, «reading» and interpreting historical, cultural and social codes, and to articulate and communicate their own speech.

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Understanding monetary phenomena does not only require a pure economical research but an examination of money through it's various social, ideological and political aspects. Literature may provide a framework for a fruitful investigation of these aspects of past and present life. This article tries to find monetary traces in the 19th and early 20th century Greek literature. The circulation of foreign and domestic metallic currencies, as it emerge from the texts of various writers of the time (Palaiologos, Calligas, Vikelas, Carcavitsas, Theotokis, Papadiamantis, Mirivilis, etc.), the role of Turkish currencies, the social evaluation of the drachma, the apparition of token currencies and the penetration of paper money in daily transactions, are few of the issues that this investigation involves.

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; The aim of the current study is an attempt to address the problem which emerged in the Hellenic Society during the years of the inter war as well as the first post civil war period, due to the change of the calendar. The introduction, from the Hellenic Church, of the new (Gregorian) calendar in 1924 created a strong reaction among the believers wich resulted to the creation of a new movement, named Greek Religions Community of Genuine Orthodox Christians (C.O.Ch.). This conservative minority, having had a great influence, insisted in the reinstatement of the old calendar and caused important conflict in the Hellenic society. The issue is examined from a political viewpoint, since the G.O.Ch. functioned as a pressure group towards the governments, demanding the free exercise of their religious duties. The governments appeared rather uncourageous in facing the problem, as they relied on G.O.Ch's vote. However, there had been systematic chasing persecutions against their clergymen, with them arrested or sent to the exile, facts which aggravated the problem. In this article, we also attempt to analyse the ideological stigma of the G.O.Ch. movement as their moved against all innovations of West-European origin and they declared their dedication to the traditional customs. Another aspect of the issue, concerns the so-called Macedonian issue and since the Church as well as many politicians considered the G.O.Ch. as being Serving the Yugoslav propaganda between the Slavonic-speaking minority of Macedonia, given that the Serbian Church maintained the old calendar. The C.O.Ch. Church attempted to defend itself against those accusations claiming that the change of the calendar served the political plans on the northern neighbours.

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Le texte se rapporte au caractère de la lutte des producteurs du raisin sec du Nord-Est du Péloponnèse et à leurs revendications, quand, à la fin du XIXème siècle ils ont été touchés par la crise du raisin sec. Ce mouvement social sort du cadre d'une lutte des classes. Il ne s'agit pas, comme il a été dit, d'une lutte des agriculteurs contre les grands propriétaires fonciers, contre le capital ou contre l'Etat. La lutte pour sauver le raisin sec et tous ceux qui en vivaient, exprime une protestation globale de toutes les couches sociales touchées par la crise. Les populations touchées remettent leur avenir à l'Etat et à sa politique économique dont dépend leur survie. L'Etat n'est pas pris en compte comme étant l'image d'une classe souveraine, mais comme n'étant pas l'image du «monde» du raisin sec. C'est ainsi que la défense des producteurs du raisin sec du Sud du pays résonne comme une défense d'intérêts locals et communs, ayant comme mandataire direct le Parlement. Les demandes et les revendications des intéressés directs sont mises sur le tapis à travers des manifestations de combat nouvelles pour la société grecque, comme les groupements commerciaux, fonciers et agricoles, les associations, et surtout les grandes mobilisations, les manifestations massives, les décrets et les pétitions au gouvernement, au Parlement et au Roi. Toutes les couches de la société participent à cette lutte qui est menée aussi bien par les citadins que par les campagnards. Les litiges qui fleurissent ne font pas s'affronter les classes sociales, mais les différentes régions qui, selon la qualité du raisin sec qu'elles produisaient, avaient des intérêts opposés. Ces régions s'affrontaient d'une telle manière que les gens de l'époque parlaient d'une «Seconde Guerre du Péloponnèse». On mentionne notamment les positions des députés durant les débats au Parlement sur les solutions à la question du raisin sec. Il est intéressant de noter que les députés du Péloponnèse se montrent en majorité d'accord avec les revendications faites dans leur propre circonscription électorale, et non avec les positions du parti auquel ils appartenaient.