Der afrikanische Kontinent hat nicht nur mit gewaltsam ausgetragenen Konflikten, Hungersnöten und Armut zu kämpfen, sondern auch mit den Folgen des Klimawandels. Zugleich ist Afrika aber auch ein Kontinent der Chancen und der Zukunft. Die Beiträger*innen des Bandes fragen daher: Was können und sollten wir tun, damit sich auf unserem Nachbarkontinent ein nachhaltiger und gerechter Friede etablieren kann? Im Zentrum dieser Überlegungen stehen dabei die UN-Nachhaltigkeitsziele (Sustainable Development Goals), denen eine Kompassfunktion zugeschrieben werden kann, die aber auch selbst diskussionswürdig sind.
"The Oxford Handbook of Peacebuilding, Statebuilding, and Peace Formation offers an authoritative and comprehensive overview of peacebuilding, statebuilding, and peace formation. With contributions from over thirty distinguished and leading scholars, the Handbook provides a timely, engaging, and critical overview of conceptual foundations, political implications, and tensions at the global, regional, and local levels. It examines the key policies, practices, examples, and discourses underlining various segments of peacebuilding, statebuilding, and peace formation both as discursive formulations and as policy practices. Organized around four major thematic sections, the Handbook offers a state-of-the-art synthesis of the most pressing contemporary peace and conflict issues and charts new pathways for responding to transnational insecurities"--
Our Brains at War: The Neuroscience of Conflict and Peacebuilding suggests that we need a radical change in how we think about war, leadership, and politics. Most of us, political scientists included, fail to appreciate the extent to which instincts and emotions, rather than logic, factor into our societal politics and international wars. Many of our physiological and genetic tendencies, of which we are mostly unaware, can all too easily fuel our antipathy towards other groups, make us choose 'strong' leaders over more mindful leaders, assist recruitment for illegal militias, and facilitate even the most gentle of us to inflict violence on others. Drawing upon the latest research from emerging areas such as behavioral genetics, biopsychology, and social and cognitive neuroscience, this book identifies the sources of compelling instincts and emotions, and how we can acknowledge and better manage them so as to develop international and societal peace more effectively.
"This book investigates the ways in which soft power is used by African countries to help drive global influence. Selecting four of the countries most associated with soft power across the continent, this book delves into the currencies of soft power across the region: from South Africa's progressive constitution and expanding multinational corporations, to Nigeria's Nollywood film industry, Kenya's fashion, sport diplomacy, and tourism industries, and finally Egypt's reputation as the cradle of civilisation. The book asks how soft power is wielded by these countries and what constraints and contradictions they encounter. Understandings of soft power have typically been driven by Western scholars, but throughout this book, Oluwaseun Tella aims to Africanise our understanding of soft power, drawing on prominent African philosophies, including Nigeria's Omolu̹waÌ⁰bi̹, South Africa's Ubuntu, Kenya's Harambee, and Egypt's pharaonism. This book will be of interest to researchers from across political science, international relations, cultural studies, foreign policy and African Studies"--
"Unconventional Combat illuminates the current generational transformation of the U.S. veterans' peace movement, from one grounded mostly in the experiences of older, White men of the Vietnam War era, to one increasingly driven by a younger and much more diverse cohort of "Post 9/11" veterans. Participant observation with two organizations (Veterans For Peace, and About Face) and interviews with older men veterans form the backdrop for the book's main focus, life-history interviews with six younger veterans-all people of color, four of them women, one a Native Two-Spirit person, four of whom identify as queer. The book traces these veterans' experiences of sexual and gender harassment, sexual assault, racist and homophobic abuse during their military service (some of it in combat zones), centering on their collective "situated knowledge" of intersecting oppressions. As veterans, this knowledge shapes their intersectional praxis, which promises to transform the veterans' peace movement, and also holds the potential to provide a connective language through which veterans' anti-militarism work organically links them with movement groups working on racial justice, stopping gender and sexual violence, addressing climate change, and building national and international anti-colonial coalitions. This promise is sometimes thwarted by older veterans, whose activism includes a commitment to "diversity" that often falls short of creating and maintaining organizational space for full inclusion of previously marginalized "others." Intersectionality has increasingly become the analytic coin of today's emergent movement field, and the connective tissue of a growing coalitional politics. The younger, diverse group of veterans I focus on in this book are part of this larger shift in the social movement ecology, and they contribute a critical understanding of war and militarism to progressive coalitions"--
In all but the rarest circumstances, the world's deadly conflicts are ended not through outright victory, but through a series of negotiations. Not all of these negotiations, however, yield a durable peace. To successfully mitigate conflict drivers, the parties in conflict must address a number of puzzles, such as whether and how to share and/or re-establish a state's monopoly of force, reallocate the ownership and management of natural resources, modify the state structure, or provide for a path toward external self-determination. Successfully resolving these puzzles requires the parties to navigate a number of conundrums and make choices and design mechanisms that are appropriate to the particular context of the conflict, and which are most likely to lead to a durable peace. Lawyering Peace aims to help future negotiators build better and more durable peace agreements through a rigorous examination of how other parties have resolved these puzzles and associated conundrums.
Introduction / Kevin P. Clements and SungYong Lee -- Promoting reconciliation : going back to basics / Kevin P. Clements -- Behavioural peacebuilding : ensuring sustainable reconciliation / Mari Fitzduff -- Interreligious dialogue and the path to reconciliation / Mohammed Abu-Nimer -- Towards reconciliation culture(s) in Asian Buddhist societies? / Chaiwat Satha-Anand -- Preventing violence and promoting active bystandership and peace and conflict / Ervin Staub -- No peace without trust : the trust and conflict map as a tool for reconciliation / Mariska Kappmeier, Chiara Venanzetti and J.M. Inton-Campbell -- The humanity of the dead : rethinking national reconciliation in contemporary Timor-Leste / Damian Grenfell -- Tales of progress : creating inclusive reconciliation narratives post-conflict / Caitlin Mollica -- Between forgiveness and revenge : the reconstruction of social relationship in post-Khmer Rouge Cambodia / SungYong Lee -- Competitive victimhood, reconciliation and intergenerational responsibility / Ria Shibata -- Legitimising peace : representations of victimhood and reconciliation in the narratives of local peacebuilders in Northern Ireland / Rachel Rafferty -- Modelling reconciliation and peace processes : lessons from Syrian war refugees and World War 2 / Raymond F. Paloutzian, Zeynep Sagir and F. LeRon Shults -- Conclusion / SungYong Lee and Kevin P. Clements.
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"Political Invisibility and Mobilization presents a sociological explanation of political invisibility and its relationship with mobilization during periods of violent repression. In a comparative study of three women's peace movements, in Argentina, the former Yugoslavia, and Liberia, the concept of political invisibility is developed to identify the unexpected beneficial effects of marginalization in the face of regime violence and civil war. Each chapter details the unique ways these movements avoided being targeted as threats to regime power and how they utilized free spaces to mobilize for peace. The movements' organizing efforts among international networks are described as a form of field-shifting that gained them the authority to expand their work at home to bring an end to war and rebuild society. The robust conceptual framework developed herein offers new ways to analyze the variations and nuances of how social status interacts with opportunities for effective activism. This book presents a sophisticated theory of political invisibility with historical detail from three remarkable stories of courage in the face of atrocity. With relevance for political sociology, social movement studies, women's studies, and peace and conflict studies, it contributes to scholarly understanding of mobilization in repressive states while also offering strategic insight to movement practitioners"--
The idea that the international community has a responsibility to protect populations at risk has become the prominent mode and structure of address in response to mass human atrocities, gross human rights violations, and large-scale loss of life. Although the "international community" of liberal international law and of legal cosmopolitanism for the most part projects a self-assured collective project, this book maintains that it transforms global ethical responsibility into a project of governance, management, and control. Pursuing this argument, and drawing on critical legal literature, critical international relations and on ideas of responsibility and ethical relationality in the work of Jacques Derrida and Judith Butler, the book develops a concept of "irresponsibility". This concept is then juxtaposed to the dominant Responsibility to Protect discourse. By exposing and acknowledging "the sites of irresponsibility" of the Responsibility to Protect, the book argues that irresponsibility itself can become the condition of ethical responsibility and the possibility of justice.
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The everyday, circuitry, and scalability -- Sociality, reciprocity and reciprocity -- Everyday peace power -- Parley, truce and ceasefire -- Everyday peace on the battlefield -- Gender and everyday peace -- Conflict disruption.
This Book attempts to deduce regulatory standards that can close the gaps between the Promises made and the Outcomes secured by the United Nations in relation to its use of force. It explores two broad questions in this regard: why the contemporary legal framework relevant to the regulation of force during Armed Conflict cannot close the gaps between the said Promises and Outcomes and how the 'Unified Use of Force Rule' formulated herein, achieves this. This is the first book to coherently analyse the moral as well as legal aspects relevant to UN use of force. UN peace operations are rapidly changing. Deployed peacekeepers are now required to use force in pursuance of numerous objectives such as self-defence, protecting civilians, and carrying out targeted offensive operations. As a result, questions about when, where, and how to use force have now become central to peacekeeping. While UN peace operations have managed to avoid catastrophes of the magnitude of Rwanda and Srebrenica for over two decades, crucial gaps still exist between what the UN promises on the use of force front, and what it achieves. Current conflict zones such as the Central African Republic, Eastern Congo, and Mali stand testament to this. This book searches for answers to these issues and identifies how an innovative mix of the relevant legal and moral rules can produce regulatory standards that can allow the UN to keep their promises. The discussion covers analytical ground that must be traversed 'behind the scenes' of UN deployment, well before the first troops set foot on a battlefield. The analysis ultimately produces a 'Unified Use of Force Rule', that can either be completely or partially used as a model set of Rules of Engagement by UN forces.
Based on extensive research conducted in Colombia since 2009, this book addresses the connection between land grabbing and agrarian capitalism, as well as the unfulfilled promises of peace and justice. While land remains a key resource at the core of many contemporary civil wars, the impact of high intensity armed violence on the formation of agrarian capitalism is seldom discussed. Drawing on over two hundred interviews, this book examines land grabbing and the role of violence in capital with a particular focus on one key actor in the Colombian civil war: paramilitary militias. Arguing that armed violence should not be analysed as an exceptional form of action, this book demonstrates how the intricate ties between armed conflict and economy formation are obscured by the widespread belief that violence is a radical form of action, breaking with the normal course of society and disconnected from the legal economy. Under this view, dispossession is perceived as diametrically opposed to capitalist accumulation. This belief is enormously influential in precisely those bureaucratic agencies that are in charge of peacebuilding, both domestically and internationally. However, this narrow view of the relationship between armed violence and capitalism belies the close ties between plunder and lawful profit and obscures the continuity between violent dispossession and the free market. By the same token, it legitimizes post-war inequality in the name of capitalist development. The book concludes by arguing that the promotion of radical democracy in the government of land and rural development emerges as the only reasonable path for pacifying a violent polity.
As a German philosopher, cultural critic, composer, poet, philologist, and scholar of Latin and Greek, Friedrich Wilhelm Nietzsche has exerted a profound influence on modern intellectual history. Beyond Tragedy and Eternal Peace provides an overview of his legacy, highlighting the synergy between his critique of metaphysics and his reflections on the politics and international relations of the late nineteenth century. Jean-François Drolet exposes and analyzes Nietzsche's account of the political processes, institutions, and dominant ideologies shaping public life in Germany and Europe during the 1870s and 1880s. Nietzsche anticipated a new kind of politics, borne out of such events as the Franco-Prussian War, the unification of Germany under Bismarck, the advent of mass democracy, and the rise and transformation of European nationalism. Focusing on conflict and political violence, Drolet expertly reconstructs Nietzsche's fierce and continued critique of the nationalist, liberal, and socialist ideologies of his age, which the philosopher believed failed to grapple with the death of God and the crisis of European nihilism it engendered. As this reconstructive interpretation reveals, Nietzsche's philosophy offers a powerful and still greatly underappreciated reckoning with the changing political practices, norms, and agencies that led to the momentous collapse of the European society of states during the early twentieth century.
