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Considering the economic importance of China for Sweden, a project such as the 'Belt and Road' initiative should be expected to entail a great deal of interest among Swedish policy-makers and the business community alike. However, this has not been the case, as the response so far has been varied and often cautious. The focus among Sweden's policy-makers and the business community alike has been a wait-and-see approach, so the impact of OBOR in Sweden has been very limited. Sweden's business community has been somewhat more optimistic, in particular with regard to opportunities in Central Asia, while the policy-makers in general do not see much that is new with the OBOR project. In conclusion, very little has been done; much more could and should have been done. There is a great need for strong leadership and guidance if Sweden is not going to fall way too far behind other nations with respect to OBOR. ; Chapter in report

The purpose of the research is to carry out a semantic and pragmatic analysis of the concept "One Belt, One Road". Methodology. The work integrates a complex of modern approaches and methods, the main of them are the ideas and principles of the traditional cultural-historical method, which provided an analysis of the etymology of the concept and the features of the translation "One Belt, One Road". Linguistic analysis of hieroglyphs, word usage and interpretation of words made it possible to analyze the structural elements of the concept "One Belt, One Road". Main results. It was determined that the project presented by the PRC mythologizes the former Silk Road, since a priori it defines its belonging exclusively to the Chinese civilization. This project semantically incorporates all the previous Silk Roads, in fact, polemicizing with the Western worldview and returning to the sinocentric model of worldview. As a result of the study, it is shown that "One Belt, One Road" is the Chinese way of thinking about creating an all-encompassing road, at the same time mythologizing and globalizing the ancient Silk Road in order to solve the current problems of the PRC. Application of the study. The materials and conclusions of the research can be used in university courses in political linguistics, in special courses and special seminars in Sinology, when writing coursework, qualification and dissertation papers. The scientific novelty of the research lies in the fact that the analysis of the concept "One Belt, One Road" was first carried out in the context of semantics and pragmatics. Such a study provides not only an opportunity to once again analyze the concept of "One Belt, One Road", but also to trace the influence of the Chinese ethnic mentality on its political and economic processes in the world.

A Índia Face à Iniciativa 'One Belt, One Road' da China A resposta da Índia às 'novas Rotas da Seda' ou à Iniciativa da China 'One Belt, One Road' é um bom exemplo dos problemas que pautam as relações entre os dois países. Nenhum deles ainda logrou empenhar-se num esforço capaz de descongelar as relações bilaterais caraterizadas por suspeitas e desconfianças resultantes do conflito militar de 1962. Com a ascensão económica e política da China, reforçada pelo seu programa de modernização militar, dúvidas crescentes existem sobre as suas intenções face à Índia e aos países seus vizinhos apesar do crescimento indiano, em parte graças à sua relação económica com a China. Este artigo analisa a Iniciativa 'One Belt, One Road' e as preocupações que ela gera na Índia. Descreve a resposta da Índia bem como as suas debilidades, antes de examinar os casos do Paquistão e do Oceano Índico no contexto da Iniciativa 'One Belt, One Road' e o respetivo impacto nas relações Indo-Chinesas. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

The debate over China's One Belt One Road (OBOR) initiative has been lively and at times heated, both in China and internationally. In many ways, this is a reflection of the vagueness of the concept, and of its exceptionality. OBOR does not prioritize trade and investment concessions, which makes it essentially different from traditional regional economic cooperation models such as FTAs, the TPP and the RCEP. Instead, it emphasizes regional infrastructure connectivity. After China proposed the initiative, countries within the New Silk Road Economic Belt, especially the five Central Asian countries, responded enthusiastically and positively, while Southeast and South Asian countries, on the other hand, expressed more concerns and reservations about the initiative. In response to these countries' concerns, China has tried to adjust its approaches to convince Southeast Asian countries that the OBOR initiative holds potential synergy with ASEAN's development strategies and can play a complementary role in the building of the ASEAN community. Beijing has also adjusted its India strategy. From previously "inviting" India to join OBOR, it is now stressing "strategy connectivity" and "policy coordination" between the two countries. Nevertheless, OBOR is viewed by some as an expression of China's grand ambitions to lead Asian economic growth, and by others as a grand strategy to build a "China-dominated Asia". While it may be mainly an economic and trade initiative, its broader consequences have a strong political and security dimension. Hence, China badly needs to cultivate political trust with neighbouring countries if it wishes to convince them that the initiative is a "public" strategy, and not a "conspiratorial" one.

Intro -- Contents -- Notes on Contributors -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- Chapter 1: China's Pursuit of the "One Belt One Road" Initiative: A New World Order with Chinese Characteristics? -- Placement of the Theoretical Discussion -- The Research Inquiries and Questions -- Global Debate on China's "One Belt One Road" Initiative -- A "Marshall Plan" with Chinese Characteristics? -- Outward Expansion of a "Development Model" with Chinese Characteristics? -- Reintegrating the OBOR Countries and Regions into a Chinese System of Accumulation? -- The Objective of the Book and Chapter Contributions -- References -- Chapter 2: Understanding the Multiple Facets of China's "One Belt One Road" Initiative -- The Placement of the Discussion -- The Objective and Theoretical Considerations -- The Internal-External Nexus of the OBOR Strategy -- Joining Regional and Global Division of Labor -- The Emergence of China-Centered Regional Economic Order -- The OBOR Initiative and China's Internal Economic Restructuring -- The OBOR Initiative and the Neo-Gramscian Perspective -- Chinese Capital Expansion and Financial Hegemony -- The Soft Power Components of the OBOR Initiative -- The OBOR Initiative from the World System Perspective -- "Promotion by Invitation", "Room for Maneuver" and "Upward Mobility" -- The Two Sides of the "OBOR Coin" from the Kautsky-Lenin Debate -- Concluding Remarks: Prospects and Constraints -- References -- Chapter 3: A Framework for the Study of the One Belt One Road Initiative as a Medium of Principle Diffusion -- Introduction -- Unpacking the OBOR Initiative -- The Concept of Diffusion -- Appropriateness of the Diffusion Approach to the Study of the OBOR -- The OBOR Initiative and Principle Diffusion -- Principles of What? -- What Principles? -- The Logic of Diffusion Via the OBOR Initiative -- Concluding Remarks -- References.

This article utilizes the elements of leadership, political performance and national interests to understand China's foreign policy decision-making process. In contrast to a state-centred analysis, this article assumes that the supreme leadership's view of political performance is the most important factor when it comes to foreign policy decision-making. it contends that so-called national interests are often manipulated to serve particular political agendas. Specifically, this article explores whether the One Belt, One Road (OBOR) initiative or advancing China's interests in the South China Sea can be better utilized to improve Chinese President Xi Jinping's political performance. The comparison between the two issues incorporates the dimensions of feasibility, significance and morality. In the final analysis, this article finds that the OBOR is likely to be better utilized to enhance Xi's political performance, which yields some salient implications for future trends in China's foreign policy. (Contemp Southeast Asia/GIGA)

China–Qatar ties have strengthened considerably in recent years. The relationship between the two countries has seen steady and smooth bilateral development in the political, economic and cultural fields; in trade, energy and other areas and has given active play to the complementarities between the two economies. This study wants to examine the motivation behind Beijing's measures to formalise a strategic partnership with Qatar to understand the impact and the extent of the Qatar-Gulf crisis on Doha engagement and integration within the Belt and Road Initiative. China's measures to formalise strategic partnerships with Qatar includes seven major areas for cooperation: policy coordination, connectivity, trade and investments, energy cooperation, financial cooperation, military ties, tourism and cultural ties.

The United States has become extremely wary of China in recent years due to reasons such as China's aspiration to become a maritime power, campaign to strengthen ties with other major powers, efforts to secure a presence in Central Asia and an ambitious economic and industrial outreach. Together with China's One Belt, One Road initiative, they conjure an image of a China bent on challenging the United States on the world stage.

This study analyzes the political motives behind China's economic policy, known as One Belt One Road (OBOR) Initiative. OBOR offers help to developing country, including Indonesia, to develop their infrastructure and domestic industries. This initiative can enlarge China's political power on the global scene, and pose a greater threat to the United States. To collect data and arguments about China's political and economic position, this study uses an explanative-qualitative method. Neorealism, hegemony stability, regionalism, and political economy are theories that are used to shape the thinking frameworks and to solve the existing problems. China also aims for greater power in the region, to secure the country's interest. According to neorealism theory, a country's behavior is a manifestation of the country's interests and the only way to secure the country is by becoming a strong state. The stronger the state, the less chance that the country can be attacked. That means, China's OBOR could also create conflict of interests with other countries.

China brought new challenges to South America countries and other European countries like Portugal and Spain and also the acceleration and expansion of global trends that changed the scenario for the evolution of bilateral relations. At the end of 2020, the deepening of trade ties and expectations in the area of investment and technological cooperation between Brazil and Portugal and China occur at the time when the ambitions of political dialogue are being resized and the uncertainties regarding the future. Chile, for example, present at the International Silk Road Forum, in 2017 former President Michelle Bachelet, said in her voice that this is the biggest economic project currently under debate, "Suitable for new horizons".