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AbstractParticipatory governance arrangements are assumed to strengthen elected representatives' capacity for political leadership. This study argues that the relationship between participatory arrangements and perceived political leadership depends on the design of the participatory arrangements. Drawing on a survey to local councilors in Norway, we found that sharing power with citizens through interactive governance arrangements was associated with lower perceived capacity for political leadership than giving power away through distributive arrangements. Case studies exploring how politicians experienced interactive and distributive participatory arrangements showed that politicians were especially ambivalent about interactive arrangements that were perceived to disrupt their traditional ways of doing political leadership. Notably, interactive arrangements were believed to decrease leadership capacity because politicians remained responsible for matters over which they no longer had full control, challenging their ability to stay accountable to the voters.

As a necessary introduction to the assessment of the utility of the concept of charismatic leadership, charismatic authority & legitimacy & charismatic power & rule, the phenomena of power, rule, & leadership (which are supposed to be qualified by the charismatic quality) are clarified. These classificatory clarifications, based as they are upon behavioral characteristics of a distinctive sort are the necessary pre-condition to more exacting inquiry into pol'al leadership, rule & power. To call these secular forms of inspiration, whether democratic or totalitarian, also charismatic prevents effective analysis: to call them pseudo-charismatic is unhelpful for purposes of sci'fic COMM. IPSA.

This article examines the importance of political leadership in the modern conditions of widespread migration processes around the world. Particular attention is paid to the characteristic features of political leadership in the countries of the European Union. The above mentioned problem was rarely raised in the works of Russian and foreign researchers, and therefore it acquires special relevance and need for consideration. In addition, the importance of studying the role of political leadership in managing migration processes in the European Union is due to the fact that at present political leadership has largely remained beyond the vision of migration researchers. The paper describes in detail the existing concepts, reflecting the possibility of the impact of political leadership tools on the regulation of migration processes, and considers practical examples of the use of effective migration policy. At the same time, attention is also paid to local political leadership in some states of the European Union, which makes it possible to study the problem in more detail. As a result, possible ways of transforming the migration policy of the European Union countries on the part of political leaders are given, and practical measures and mechanisms for effective border management are considered.

The Study of Political Leadership is Important for an Understanding of any society. Political leaders participate in, or influence the making of, decisions that allocate resources within and among social units. These acts of choice constitute the major component of the governing process. It seems obvious, then, that an understanding of any social order rests fundamentally on a systematic grasp of the background attributes, careers, value and issue orientations, behaviors and environmental context of political leaders.

This article discusses concepts of policy and leadership. The opinions of various scholars and politicians about political leadership are discussed and analyzed in the article.The main attention is paid to the functions of political leadership in the process of ruling a state with the explanations and examples of each of them.

While some of the future impacts of global environmental change such as some aspects of climate change can be projected and prepared for in advance, other effects are likely to surface as surprises -- that is situations in which the behaviour in a system, or across systems, differs qualitatively from expectations. Here we analyse a set of institutional and political leadership challenges posed by 'cascading' ecological crises: abrupt ecological changes that propagate into societal crises that move through systems and spatial scales. We illustrate their underlying social and ecological drivers, and a range of institutional and political leadership challenges, which have been insufficiently elaborated by either crisis management researchers or institutional scholars. We conclude that even though these sorts of crises have parallels to other contingencies, there are a number of major differences resulting from the combination of a lack of early warnings, abrupt ecological change, and the mismatch between decision-making capabilities and the cross-scale dynamics of social-ecological change. Adapted from the source document.

AbstractThis article examines why and how political leaders emerge and, once in charge, what determines their success or failure. To explore these questions, I present a theory of political leadership that takes into account both the structural and the behavioral aspects of the concept. I argue that the emergence and the impact of leadership represent two different analytical steps. A leader emerges if there is a supply of, and demand for, leadership. While the supply depends on a leader's expected benefits, the demand is determined by the followers' status quo costs. The second step concerns a leader's impact, which results from the strategies deployed by the leader. While a leader's capacity to employ strategies is determined by the power resources at its disposal, the intensity of strategies needed to influence outcomes depends on the heterogeneity of preferences and on the adaptability of the institutional setting. The theory is applied in the context of the current eurozone crisis by analyzing Germany's role in shaping the European Fiscal Compact.

"A key idea in the study of democratic transitions is the notion that political actors play a pivotal role in initiating, controlling and shaping the changes that lead to democracy. Based on this premise, this book aims to offer an in-depth study of a series of political leaders that played a significant role in the Spanish democratic transition (1975-1982). This book opens with an introduction providing the historical, political and theoretical context for the study of the political leaders of the Spanish transition to democracy. The authors then offer in the first half of the book a study of the central and/or innovative leaders of the political transformation, i.e. Torcuato Fernández-Miranda, Adolfo Suárez González, Felipe González Márquez, Manuel Fraga Iribarne and Santiago Carrillo Solares. The second half of the book analyzes the leadership roles of Fernando Abril Martorell, Francisco Fernández Ordóñez, Alfonso Guerra González, Jordi Pujol i Soley and Xabier Arzalluz Antia. Taken together, these ten leaders represented the main options in the political spectrum of the Spanish transition. Despite numerous studies devoted to the Spanish transition, little attention has been paid to it. This book aims to reconsider these ideas in an effort to improve upon our knowledge of political leadership during a crucial time in recent Spanish history"--From publisher's website

Adoption of a single metropolitan gov for Nashville & Davidson County in 1962, at a time when many reform proposals have been rejected elsewhere, provides an opportunity to examine the role of professional pol'al leaders in its formulation & adoption. 30 yrs of Nashville subUr spillover without annexation led to the familiar pattern of a service vacuum, inequalities, rivalries, & confused responsibility. During the 1950's, 2 surveys by professional staffs, working closely with the Nashville mayor & a rival Davidson County judge, led to a proposal for major structural change (city-county consolidation) which was endorsed by both the mayor & the judge. Their support was undoubtedly helpful in the 1958 campaign, but it was rejected by the voters outside Nashville. 2 windfall issues - annexation & an auto tax - & the opposition of the Nashville mayor contributed to a new & successful vote in 1962. The Nashville experience indicates that active involvement of rival professional pol'al leaders in all stages of a reform movement is possible, is not necessarily a 'kiss of death', does not prevent `radical reform,' & may actually constitute a tactical advantage for Ur reformers. AA.

AbstractThe 11 March 2011 earthquake and tsunami damaged the nuclear reactors in Fukushima. Prime Minister Naoto Kan took this crisis seriously, and made himself personally involved with damage control, especially during the first week. This study examines the responses to the incident by the prime minister's office.Universal wisdom is that crises are better handled at the level closest to which they occur. Shifting the decision making to the higher authority is needed when a crisis spills over the local boundary or when the local authority fails to deal with the situation. This is called 'upscaling'.Frustrated by the lack of communication coming from the bureaucracy and Tokyo Electric Power Company (TEPCO), Kan upscaled the decision making and began micromanaging damage control. The upscaling, however, did not contribute to improvement in the accident situation in most cases. Even in one case, it exacerbated it.On the other hand, upscaling made a significant difference when the TEPCO officials considered withdrawing from the accident. By upscaling to the higher authority, Kan stopped their withdrawal. After the establishment of a joint headquarters with TEPCO, the political leaders, instead of upscaling, moved down to a closer level to the accident and successfully coordinated the recovery work.