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Collective-action problems affect the structure of stakeholder networks differently in policy settings (Berardo and Scholz 2010). However, interactions in policy settings do not usually occur in an institutional vacuum; instead, they are guided and constrained by agreed-on rules. Therefore, to better understand behavior in these settings, it is important to understand the parameters that guide and constrain it. Combining arguments from game theory and social network analysis, this paper focuses on how the nature of collective-action problems affect the design of formal institutional arrangements. The cases are two institutional arrangements for the provision of high-quality drinking water, in New York City and in Boston. The design of these arrangements is measured through Networks of Prescribed Interactions (NPIs), capturing patterns of interactions mandated by formal rules. NPI structures in each case are then compared analyzing their structural measures and applying exponential random graph models (ERGMs). By comparing these NPIs, the paper assesses the effects of collective-action problems on the design of formal institutional arrangements. Results show that cooperation problems are associated with designs prescribing redundant interactions that create a balanced distribution of responsibilities among the key actors to the agreement.

Whether a country is able effectively to address collective action problems is a critical test of its ability to fulfill the demands of its citizens to their satisfaction. We study one particularly important collective action problem: the environment. Using a large panel dataset covering 25 years for some countries, we find that, overall, citizens of European countries are more satisfied with the way democracy works in their country if (a) more environmental policies are in place and if (b) expenditures on the environment are higher, but environmental taxes are lower. The relation between environmental policy and life satisfaction is not as pronounced. The evidence for the effect of environmental quality on both satisfaction with democracy and life satisfaction is not very clear, although we find evidence that citizens value personal mobility (in terms of having a car) highly, but view the presence of trucks as unpleasant. We also document that parents, younger citizens, and those with high levels of educational attainment tend to care more about environmental issues than do non-parents, older citizens, and those with fewer years of schooling. Adapted from the source document.

Using modern methods for analyzing multi-level data, we find that, by and large, citizens of OECD countries are more satisfied with the way democracy works in their country if more environmental policies are in place and if environmental quality is higher. We also document that parents care about carbon dioxide emissions more than non-parents and that those with a high willingness to pay for environmental quality deplore intervention through government policies.

Using modern methods for analyzing multi-level data, we find that, by and large, citizens of OECD countries are more satisfied with the way democracy works in their country if more environmental policies are in place and if environmental quality is higher. We also document that parents care about carbon dioxide emissions more than non-parents and that those with a high willingness to pay for environmental quality deplore intervention through government policies.

Whether a country is able effectively to address collective action problems is a critical test of its ability to fulfill the demands of its citizens to their satisfaction. We study one particularly important collective action problem: the environment. Using a large panel dataset covering 25 years for some countries, we find that, overall, citizens of European countries are more satisfied with the way democracy works in their country if (a) more environmental policies are in place and if (b) expenditures on the environment are higher, but environmental taxes are lower. The relation between environmental policy and life satisfaction is not as pronounced. The evidence for the effect of environmental quality on both satisfaction with democracy and life satisfaction is not very clear, although we find evidence that citizens value personal mobility (in terms of having a car) highly, but view the presence of trucks as unpleasant. We also document that parents, younger citizens, and those with high levels of educational attainment tend to care more about environmental issues than do non-parents, older citizens, and those with fewer years of schooling.

This article presents case study findings on the Vanuatu-based Northern Islands Market Vendors' Association (NIMVA) as a vehicle for women-led collective action. While NIMVA's existence and organisational strength challenges existing political norms, strong gender norms restricting the role of women in society and politics continue to marginalise its capacity to participate politically and pursue transformative change. Using a "permitted empowerment" frame, the article assesses NIMVA's emergence as a vehicle for women market vendors to undertake collective action to improve livelihoods, and the implications for those seeking to support more inclusive forms of local-level development. ; This research was co-funded by the Australian Government-funded Pacific Research Program and the Australian National University's Department of Pacific Affairs

This books analyzes international financial markets and environmental problems as typical examples of transnational common goods and considers the factors affecting the strategic constellations of countries in common goods provision, in particular the strategic effects of multi-level governance.