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La recherche sociologique sur l'Union européenne offer une alternative indispensable aux habituelles approches de l'UE dominées par l'économie, le droit, les relations internationales et les sciences politiques. Toutefois, jusqu'à présent, cette alternative sociologique a surtout consisté en l'adaptation de la terminologie sociologique telle que « construction sociale » ou « identité » et en l'introduction de nouveaux objets de recherche, telles que les conventions sociales réglementant la sécurité nationale ou les constructions discursives de l'Europe. Mais la sociologie fournit également les munitions intellectuelles pour une réévaluation bien plus fondamentale de certaines des presuppositions ontologiques et épistémologiques de la recherche sur l'UE, ainsi que pour une reconstruction de l'objet d'étude. Dans cet article, nous allons développer ce cadre d'analyse sociologique alternatif en explorant des notions clés telles que la rationalité et la réflexivité. À notre avis, ce sont là les outils indispensables pour expliquer ce qui reste l'une des plus grandes énigmes pour les études européennes, à savoir : comment l'Europe s'est-elle formée par l'interaction des institutions européennes et des acteurs dans le jeu de Bruxelles et à travers les frontières nationales. Ces présuppositions ontologiques et épistémologiques empêchent un grand nombre de recherches fondées sur les mêmes présupposés et les dualismes qu'ils produisent (individu-institution, socialisation-calcul stratégique, supranational-national...) de développer une description plus complexe et plus « consistante » de l'intégration européenne.

From militant to entrepreneu-rial environmental practice:
on the construction and trans-formation of a Danish field of environmental expertise

By tracing the trajectories of holders of environmental expertise, this article attempts to understand the social construction of environmental protection measures in Denmark. The focus is not on these measures, per se, but rather on them as the product of inter-professional battles in, out and around that state. With an analytical starting point in the reflexive sociology developed by Pierre Bourdieu, the social space in which these struggles are taking place is seen as an open fluid field constituted by a mixture of loosely connected symbolic practices occupying different (and changing) positions within the field of state power. The article argues that the environmental space was initially dominated by a group of older lawyers and social scientists and was reconstructed by the arrival of young engineers and biologists, who came from the radicalized parts of the university milieu and similar social networks. The environmental field has recently developed in several directions. The original experts are still involved in the mainstream technical way of dealing with the environment. At the same time they are links to a new generation of environmental experts engaged in market-oriented symbolic investments in eco-management and accountancy. The success of the environmental movement has caused both renewed interest and a diffusion of the groups of agents at the same time.

"Law and the Formation of Modern Europe explores processes of legal construction in both the national and supranational domains, and it provides an overview of the modern European legal order. In its supranational focus, it examines the sociological pressures which have given rise to European public law, the national origins of key transnational legal institutions and the elite motivations driving the formation of European law. In its national focus, it addresses legal questions and problems which have assumed importance in parallel fashion in different national societies, and which have shaped European law more indirectly. Examples of this are the post-1914 transformation of classical private law, the rise of corporatism, the legal response to the post-1945 legacy of authoritarianism, the emergence of human rights law and the growth of judicial review. This two-level sociological approach to European law results in unique insights into the dynamics of national and supranational legal formation"--

This article examines the political and legal processes through which human rights and migration law have become confounded – what we in this article more generally refer to as regime entanglement. Regime entanglement implies that different areas of law not only interact but are more fundamentally entwined and mutually impacted. Human rights and migration have historically had distinct trajectories in European law and politics, but the recent coupling of the two, we argue, have transformed both. Migration law has gained legal momentum and judicial empowerment from increasingly engaging human rights law and institutions; human rights law has gained legitimacy for its universalist aspirations by developing, albeit slowly, a jurisprudence on non-nationals' rights. Yet, the coupling has also been politically contentious – at times even explosive – which has in turn challenged both fields of law. Although this entanglement is a general European development, the article applies a more situated approach, using Denmark as a case for understanding how these two legal regimes have been implemented and interacted in national law and politics.

AbstractThe article analyses the interface of Denmark and internationalisation of human rights with the goal of examining the transformation of the place and perception of international law in Scandinavia over the last decades. More precisely, the article contrasts two fundamentally different moments of the interface of international human rights and Denmark: first a period of external engagement in which Denmark – and the other Scandinavian countries – developed their position as virtuous defenders of international law and human rights and, secondly, the eventual national implications of international human rights law. This approach allows us to more generally analyse the interrelationship between the internationalisation of human rights and its eventual effect on Danish legal and political practices. We generally argue that the original politics of virtue in the area of international law and particularly international human rights law declined when international human rights started having national implications, that is, it no longer was simply a good of export. We, moreover, argue that the realistic approach developed in the national context now is having significant spill-over effects on Denmark's international policies in the area.