Search results

Abstract
The paper deals with the state of the social sciences after the boom of internet services in the Czech Republic in the 1990s. The results of our survey, based on 512 responses from the economics and history departments of major Czech public universities, show that internet services are considered a quality factor for academic output; however, the issues of plagiarism, a lack of resource criticism, inadequacy of impact factor-based evaluations, poor academic training for the new generation of social scientists, the failure of state academic policy, and the generation gap make further development in the Czech social sciences rather problematic. As a result we recommend creating a better communication link between policy makers and scholars, reforming the current state policy which encourages lower quality academic output, and improving academic training, which requires a more individual approach, and also placing higher demands on social scientists.

This interdisciplinary volume explores the relationship between history and a range of disciplines in the humanities and social sciences: economics, political science, political theory, international relations, sociology, philosophy, law, literature and anthropology. The relevance of historical approaches within these disciplines has shifted over the centuries. Many of them, like law and economics, originally depended on self-consciously historical procedures. These included the marshalling of evidence from past experience, philological techniques and source criticism. Between the late nineteenth and the middle of the twentieth century, the influence of new methods of research, many indebted to models favoured by the natural sciences, such as statistical, analytical or empirical approaches, secured an expanding intellectual authority while the hegemony of historical methods declined in relative terms. In the aftermath of this change, the essays collected in History in the Humanities and Social Sciences reflect from a variety of angles on the relevance of historical concerns to representative disciplines as they are configured today.

1st lines: The paper questions the urban narrative of the divided and underdeveloped city that is usually applied to Rome. Rome has always been considered a backward metropolis, a divided and dependent city, suspended between the modern and industrial North and the (comparatively) rural and traditional South. Since it became the capital of Italy in 1870, the small population that used to live around the Pope's court was replaced by those caring for the needs of the civil servants in government jobs, Rome having in fact a comparatively weak industrial base. However, administration pushed the growth of the city, creating the need for a very large inflow of poor immigrants from the Southern countryside.Besides being limited and empirically inadequate, such a view arises a crucial theoretical concern: how we describe and understand the change of cities in an age of global rescaling? For instance, the two main narratives of globalization and competition; and the critique of the resulting social and spatial division, though opposed, share the same epistemological concern with generalization and explication. But the process of globalization confuses geographical scales, weaves local and global dimensions, erases physical and social boundaries.At the turn of modernity, the city is as solid as ever, though neoliberal developments tend to jeopardize all certainties. The same cannot be said of its representations, that are increasingly less coherent and productive, though encroaching the imaginary of the city and of cities policies. Thus, walking on water is somehow required in order to match new social forms and their narratives.Marc Augé calls ville-monde such new urban environments, as opposed to the global city1, based upon heterogeneity and juxtaposition. Urban space is socially fragmented, and a strict social zoning articulates society and opportunities. How than making sense of cities when cities change in an increasingly confused and mixed way? This calls for a theoretical repositioning, and a paradigmatic turn in ...

International audience ; Since its creation in 1946, the Revue française des Affaires sociales has dedicated few articles to housing, as such: barely 50 out of the 2,300 articles counted. This absence can doubtlessly be explained by the fact that, since this date, habitat and housing have not been under the administrative tutelage of the Ministry of Labour. Yet this inattention also stems from the very way in which this question is perceived; it was considered, above all, during the "post-war golden age of prosperity" (from 1945 to 1975), to be a technical and quantitative problem. As far as the government is concerned, putting numerous apartments on the public and private markets was the solution for the housing crisis, whose social aspects were under-estimated in favour of the majority. It was only at the end of the 20th century, when the crisis and poverty returned, that housing has tended to be a social matter once again, one which the Revue now addresses more than ever. ; Depuis sa fondation en 1946, la Revue française des Affaires sociales a consacré peu d'articles au logement en tant que tel : à peine 50 sur les quelque 2 300 recensés. Cette absence s'explique sans doute parce que, depuis cette date, l'habitat et le logement n'ont pas principalement relevé de la tutelle administrative du ministère du Travail. Mais cette inattention vient aussi de la perception même de la question, avant tout considérée durant les Trente Glorieuses comme un problème technique et quantitatif. Aux yeux des pouvoirs publics, la mise sur le marché public et privé de nombreux appartements était le remède à la crise du logement dont les aspects sociaux étaient sous-estimés au profit du nombre. Ce n'est qu'avec le retour de la crise et de la pauvreté de la fin duXXe siècle, que le logement tend à redevenir une question sociale, sur laquelle se penche désormais davantage la revue.

International audience ; Since its creation in 1946, the Revue française des Affaires sociales has dedicated few articles to housing, as such: barely 50 out of the 2,300 articles counted. This absence can doubtlessly be explained by the fact that, since this date, habitat and housing have not been under the administrative tutelage of the Ministry of Labour. Yet this inattention also stems from the very way in which this question is perceived; it was considered, above all, during the "post-war golden age of prosperity" (from 1945 to 1975), to be a technical and quantitative problem. As far as the government is concerned, putting numerous apartments on the public and private markets was the solution for the housing crisis, whose social aspects were under-estimated in favour of the majority. It was only at the end of the 20th century, when the crisis and poverty returned, that housing has tended to be a social matter once again, one which the Revue now addresses more than ever. ; Depuis sa fondation en 1946, la Revue française des Affaires sociales a consacré peu d'articles au logement en tant que tel : à peine 50 sur les quelque 2 300 recensés. Cette absence s'explique sans doute parce que, depuis cette date, l'habitat et le logement n'ont pas principalement relevé de la tutelle administrative du ministère du Travail. Mais cette inattention vient aussi de la perception même de la question, avant tout considérée durant les Trente Glorieuses comme un problème technique et quantitatif. Aux yeux des pouvoirs publics, la mise sur le marché public et privé de nombreux appartements était le remède à la crise du logement dont les aspects sociaux étaient sous-estimés au profit du nombre. Ce n'est qu'avec le retour de la crise et de la pauvreté de la fin duXXe siècle, que le logement tend à redevenir une question sociale, sur laquelle se penche désormais davantage la revue.

International audience ; Since its creation in 1946, the Revue française des Affaires sociales has dedicated few articles to housing, as such: barely 50 out of the 2,300 articles counted. This absence can doubtlessly be explained by the fact that, since this date, habitat and housing have not been under the administrative tutelage of the Ministry of Labour. Yet this inattention also stems from the very way in which this question is perceived; it was considered, above all, during the "post-war golden age of prosperity" (from 1945 to 1975), to be a technical and quantitative problem. As far as the government is concerned, putting numerous apartments on the public and private markets was the solution for the housing crisis, whose social aspects were under-estimated in favour of the majority. It was only at the end of the 20th century, when the crisis and poverty returned, that housing has tended to be a social matter once again, one which the Revue now addresses more than ever. ; Depuis sa fondation en 1946, la Revue française des Affaires sociales a consacré peu d'articles au logement en tant que tel : à peine 50 sur les quelque 2 300 recensés. Cette absence s'explique sans doute parce que, depuis cette date, l'habitat et le logement n'ont pas principalement relevé de la tutelle administrative du ministère du Travail. Mais cette inattention vient aussi de la perception même de la question, avant tout considérée durant les Trente Glorieuses comme un problème technique et quantitatif. Aux yeux des pouvoirs publics, la mise sur le marché public et privé de nombreux appartements était le remède à la crise du logement dont les aspects sociaux étaient sous-estimés au profit du nombre. Ce n'est qu'avec le retour de la crise et de la pauvreté de la fin duXXe siècle, que le logement tend à redevenir une question sociale, sur laquelle se penche désormais davantage la revue.

International audience ; Since its creation in 1946, the Revue française des Affaires sociales has dedicated few articles to housing, as such: barely 50 out of the 2,300 articles counted. This absence can doubtlessly be explained by the fact that, since this date, habitat and housing have not been under the administrative tutelage of the Ministry of Labour. Yet this inattention also stems from the very way in which this question is perceived; it was considered, above all, during the "post-war golden age of prosperity" (from 1945 to 1975), to be a technical and quantitative problem. As far as the government is concerned, putting numerous apartments on the public and private markets was the solution for the housing crisis, whose social aspects were under-estimated in favour of the majority. It was only at the end of the 20th century, when the crisis and poverty returned, that housing has tended to be a social matter once again, one which the Revue now addresses more than ever. ; Depuis sa fondation en 1946, la Revue française des Affaires sociales a consacré peu d'articles au logement en tant que tel : à peine 50 sur les quelque 2 300 recensés. Cette absence s'explique sans doute parce que, depuis cette date, l'habitat et le logement n'ont pas principalement relevé de la tutelle administrative du ministère du Travail. Mais cette inattention vient aussi de la perception même de la question, avant tout considérée durant les Trente Glorieuses comme un problème technique et quantitatif. Aux yeux des pouvoirs publics, la mise sur le marché public et privé de nombreux appartements était le remède à la crise du logement dont les aspects sociaux étaient sous-estimés au profit du nombre. Ce n'est qu'avec le retour de la crise et de la pauvreté de la fin duXXe siècle, que le logement tend à redevenir une question sociale, sur laquelle se penche désormais davantage la revue.

International audience ; Since its creation in 1946, the Revue française des Affaires sociales has dedicated few articles to housing, as such: barely 50 out of the 2,300 articles counted. This absence can doubtlessly be explained by the fact that, since this date, habitat and housing have not been under the administrative tutelage of the Ministry of Labour. Yet this inattention also stems from the very way in which this question is perceived; it was considered, above all, during the "post-war golden age of prosperity" (from 1945 to 1975), to be a technical and quantitative problem. As far as the government is concerned, putting numerous apartments on the public and private markets was the solution for the housing crisis, whose social aspects were under-estimated in favour of the majority. It was only at the end of the 20th century, when the crisis and poverty returned, that housing has tended to be a social matter once again, one which the Revue now addresses more than ever. ; Depuis sa fondation en 1946, la Revue française des Affaires sociales a consacré peu d'articles au logement en tant que tel : à peine 50 sur les quelque 2 300 recensés. Cette absence s'explique sans doute parce que, depuis cette date, l'habitat et le logement n'ont pas principalement relevé de la tutelle administrative du ministère du Travail. Mais cette inattention vient aussi de la perception même de la question, avant tout considérée durant les Trente Glorieuses comme un problème technique et quantitatif. Aux yeux des pouvoirs publics, la mise sur le marché public et privé de nombreux appartements était le remède à la crise du logement dont les aspects sociaux étaient sous-estimés au profit du nombre. Ce n'est qu'avec le retour de la crise et de la pauvreté de la fin duXXe siècle, que le logement tend à redevenir une question sociale, sur laquelle se penche désormais davantage la revue.

1st lines: The paper questions the urban narrative of the divided and underdeveloped city that is usually applied to Rome. Rome has always been considered a backward metropolis, a divided and dependent city, suspended between the modern and industrial North and the (comparatively) rural and traditional South. Since it became the capital of Italy in 1870, the small population that used to live around the Pope's court was replaced by those caring for the needs of the civil servants in government jobs, Rome having in fact a comparatively weak industrial base. However, administration pushed the growth of the city, creating the need for a very large inflow of poor immigrants from the Southern countryside.Besides being limited and empirically inadequate, such a view arises a crucial theoretical concern: how we describe and understand the change of cities in an age of global rescaling? For instance, the two main narratives of globalization and competition; and the critique of the resulting social and spatial division, though opposed, share the same epistemological concern with generalization and explication. But the process of globalization confuses geographical scales, weaves local and global dimensions, erases physical and social boundaries.At the turn of modernity, the city is as solid as ever, though neoliberal developments tend to jeopardize all certainties. The same cannot be said of its representations, that are increasingly less coherent and productive, though encroaching the imaginary of the city and of cities policies. Thus, walking on water is somehow required in order to match new social forms and their narratives.Marc Augé calls ville-monde such new urban environments, as opposed to the global city1, based upon heterogeneity and juxtaposition. Urban space is socially fragmented, and a strict social zoning articulates society and opportunities. How than making sense of cities when cities change in an increasingly confused and mixed way? This calls for a theoretical repositioning, and a paradigmatic turn in urban studies, as claimed recently by a number of scholars from the Global South. A turn which seems able to capture also some of the distinctive features of cities from a more local, European South.

International audience ; Over the last decade, the concept of the circular economy (CE) has gained momentum among practitioners, politicians, and scholars because of its promise of achieving sustainability goals. However, there is still a need to demonstrate and assess the positive environmental impacts of the CE. With respect to the building sector, the CE is still a relatively new topic. To date, research has tended to focus primarily on the macro-scale (cities or eco-parks) and the micro-scale (manufactured products or construction materials). Nevertheless, the often-neglected built environment is also expected to play a crucial role in the transition towards a CE due to its high contribution to various environmental burdens. This paper contributes to this growing area of research by reviewing four cases of 'circular neighbourhood' projects in Europe. First, a conceptual framework analysis is defined and applied to the cases. Second, CE initiatives and actions are identified and classified using interviews and document analysis. Third, the use of assessment tools within these CE projects is investigated. The results demonstrate a diverse representation of the CE paradigm and the growing role played by the assessment tools.

International audience ; Over the last decade, the concept of the circular economy (CE) has gained momentum among practitioners, politicians, and scholars because of its promise of achieving sustainability goals. However, there is still a need to demonstrate and assess the positive environmental impacts of the CE. With respect to the building sector, the CE is still a relatively new topic. To date, research has tended to focus primarily on the macro-scale (cities or eco-parks) and the micro-scale (manufactured products or construction materials). Nevertheless, the often-neglected built environment is also expected to play a crucial role in the transition towards a CE due to its high contribution to various environmental burdens. This paper contributes to this growing area of research by reviewing four cases of 'circular neighbourhood' projects in Europe. First, a conceptual framework analysis is defined and applied to the cases. Second, CE initiatives and actions are identified and classified using interviews and document analysis. Third, the use of assessment tools within these CE projects is investigated. The results demonstrate a diverse representation of the CE paradigm and the growing role played by the assessment tools.

International audience ; Dès la fin des années 90s, Dubaï s'érige comme le modèle de métropole émergente du monde arabe. Ce modèle basé sur une ouverture à la globalisation se manifeste spatialement par une juxtaposition d'une multitude de mégaprojets architecturaux et urbains. La légitimation de ces projets construits au pas de charge se fait sous l'étendard de l'efficacité technique. Dubaï semble même dire : la question urbaine n'est pas politique. Ceci expliquerait bien l' « exportation » du modèle vers beaucoup de villes arabes, avec la bienveillance de leurs acteurs politiques et économiques-sous le nom de la « dubaïsation ». Toutefois, bien que considérée souvent comme le produit de capi-taux privés et de la prouesse technique, Dubaï est avant tout le produit d'un secteur public puissant : des administrations publiques, mais aussi des holdings publics et son Sheikh. Ce dernier est l'acteur fort de la gouvernance de la ville et celui qui fait sa singularité. Il contrôle la quasi-totalité du foncier, met en place des procédures ad-hoc, mobilise des capitaux faramineux et oriente le développement de la ville suivant une vision personnelle. C'est cette marge de manoeuvre dont il bénéficie, et qui manque aux acteurs publics urbains du monde arabe, qui pourrait expliquer, au-delà de l'effet d'annonce, les difficultés de la dubaïsation à l'heure de la crise économique et des « révolutions » arabes.

This edited volume focuses on big data implications for computational social science and humanities from management to usage. The first part of the book covers geographic data, text corpus data, and social media data, and exemplifies their concrete applications in a wide range of fields including anthropology, economics, finance, geography, history, linguistics, political science, psychology, public health, and mass communications. The second part of the book provides a panoramic view of the development of big data in the fields of computational social sciences and humanities. The following questions are addressed: why is there a need for novel data governance for this new type of data?, why is big data important for social scientists?, and how will it revolutionize the way social scientists conduct research? With the advent of the information age and technologies such as Web 2.0, ubiquitous computing, wearable devices, and the Internet of Things, digital society has fundamentally changed what we now know as "data", the very use of this data, and what we now call "knowledge". Big data has become the standard in social sciences, and has made these sciences more computational. Big Data in Computational Social Science and Humanities will appeal to graduate students and researchers working in the many subfields of the social sciences and humanities.