Proceedings of the Summit Conference of Independent African States, Volume 1 Section II ; Speeches of the Summit Conference and list of officers, delegations and observers ; Proceedings of the Summit Conference of Independent African States: Speeches of the Summit Conference, List of Delegations, List of Observers and messages received from heads of State and Government
Cet article analyse l'incidence d'un choc de politique monétaire sur la dynamique de l'emploi dans l'Union Économique et Monétaire Ouest-Africaine (UEMOA). Nous proposons dans un premier temps un modèle DSGE pour analyser le lien entre la politique monétaire et l'emploi. Le modèle intègre des frictions sur le marché du travail à travers un processus d'appariement. Il ressort que l'effet de la politique monétaire sur l'emploi dépend des caractéristiques du marché du travail, à savoir le taux de séparation et le pouvoir de négociation des entreprises (ou des travailleurs). Nous montrons qu'un choc de politique monétaire expansionniste augmente respectivement l'emploi, le stock de capital (investissement) et la probabilité de trouver un emploi. Dans un deuxième temps, nous estimons un modèle VAR structurel sur données de panel afin de vérifier empiriquement les résultats du modèle théorique. Nous trouvons qu'un choc de politique monétaire expansionniste augmente l'emploi, le stock de capital et la consommation des ménages. Enfin, des réponses hétérogènes de l'emploi et des variables macroéconomiques sont mises en évidence suite à un choc commun de politique monétaire dans l'Union et ce, au travers d'un autre modèle VAR structurel qui permet de calculer des réponses spécifiques respectives des pays membres du panel. Classification JEL : C33, C36, E24, E52
The vision of the role of natural resources in the development process has changed over the last thirty years. The optimistic views of the beginning became more moderate, even pessimistic. This thesis focuses on the role of oil in the political, institutional, and economic performances of African countries, some of which are richly endowed. It revolves around three empirical essays. Chapter 2 focuses on the duration of political regimes in Africa and shows from a duration model that revenues from oil exploitation play an important role. Chapter 3 examines the high indebtedness of oil-producing countries. A collateral effect of oil resources is highlighted, it dominates an instability effect. Chapter 4 includes, in a dynamic computable general equilibrium model, the permanent income hypothesis presented in the literature as the answer to the fiscal management of oil revenues. It concludes that a relevant rule of oil revenues management in African countries should not reduce only the impact of volatility on public finances, but it should also address the development needs of African oilproducing countries. ; La vision du rôle des ressources naturelles dans le processus de développement a changé ces trente dernières années. La vision optimiste du départ est devenue plus nuancée, voire pessimiste. Cette thèse porte sur le rôle du pétrole dans les performances politicoinstitutionnelles et économiques des pays d'Afrique, dont certains sont richement dotés. Elle s'articule autour de trois essais de nature empirique. Le chapitre 2 s'intéresse à la durée des régimes politiques en Afrique et montre à partir d'un modèle de durée que les revenus tirés de l'exploitation pétrolière y jouent un rôle important. Le chapitre 3 examine l'endettement élevé des pays producteurs de pétrole. Un effet bonne garantie (collatéral) du pétrole est mis en évidence, celui-ci domine un effet instabilité. Le chapitre 4 intègre, dans un modèle d'équilibre général dynamique, l'hypothèse de revenu permanent présentée dans la littérature comme la ...
The vision of the role of natural resources in the development process has changed over the last thirty years. The optimistic views of the beginning became more moderate, even pessimistic. This thesis focuses on the role of oil in the political, institutional, and economic performances of African countries, some of which are richly endowed. It revolves around three empirical essays. Chapter 2 focuses on the duration of political regimes in Africa and shows from a duration model that revenues from oil exploitation play an important role. Chapter 3 examines the high indebtedness of oil-producing countries. A collateral effect of oil resources is highlighted, it dominates an instability effect. Chapter 4 includes, in a dynamic computable general equilibrium model, the permanent income hypothesis presented in the literature as the answer to the fiscal management of oil revenues. It concludes that a relevant rule of oil revenues management in African countries should not reduce only the impact of volatility on public finances, but it should also address the development needs of African oilproducing countries. ; La vision du rôle des ressources naturelles dans le processus de développement a changé ces trente dernières années. La vision optimiste du départ est devenue plus nuancée, voire pessimiste. Cette thèse porte sur le rôle du pétrole dans les performances politicoinstitutionnelles et économiques des pays d'Afrique, dont certains sont richement dotés. Elle s'articule autour de trois essais de nature empirique. Le chapitre 2 s'intéresse à la durée des régimes politiques en Afrique et montre à partir d'un modèle de durée que les revenus tirés de l'exploitation pétrolière y jouent un rôle important. Le chapitre 3 examine l'endettement élevé des pays producteurs de pétrole. Un effet bonne garantie (collatéral) du pétrole est mis en évidence, celui-ci domine un effet instabilité. Le chapitre 4 intègre, dans un modèle d'équilibre général dynamique, l'hypothèse de revenu permanent présentée dans la littérature comme la réponse à la gestion budgétaire des revenus pétroliers. Il conclut qu'une bonne règle de gestion des revenus pétroliers dans les pays africains devrait non seulement permettre de réduire l'impact de la volatilité des cours sur les finances publiques, mais aussi elle devrait permettre de répondre aux importants besoins des pays pétroliers africains.
Council of Ministers, Fifth Ordinary Session, Accra, October 1965 ; Study and proposal of the Organization of African Unity Specialized Commissions to the Council of Ministers on the various aspects of the elements of African Unity, including solidarity, unity of African states, establishment of National Scientific Councils towards the establishment of a Union Government of Africa.
Each party of the space, realized by the ground, maritime or air borders is desired by the nations which succeed in making it private grounds with the exception of a single component: the cyberspace. This place of exchanges and circulation of information freed itself from this cornering. It is what makes it real for the uses which it allows (sendings of messages, broadcasting) of real-time information, trainings and virtual (as far as the digital networks follow with difficulty localizable paths) in the point to generate difficulties as for its frame by the law. From then on, the cyberspace sets up itself as a space where it is easy to cultivate illegal activities considering the opportunities which it offers. The illegal activities marry forms pluridimensionnelles and complex which we group under the generic naming of cybercrime. Due to its nature and its subdivisions, the cybercrime is the object of reflections, studies, searches, implementations of politics and of actions in a national and international scale to reach in his eradication. The actions are led in way coordinated between States and institutions. The fight against this interplanetary phenomenon requires the mutualization of the efforts on behalf of the actors of telecommunications, computing, all the professional layers as well as her on behalf of the consumers under reserve that they are informed well about the risks connected for the cyberspace. The study compared by the systems of repression implemented in the European and West-African spaces will allow to understand better the exercise of the penal sovereign right in front of the cybercrime and the importance of collaborations between these two community spaces. ; Chaque partie de l'espace, matérialisée par les frontières terrestres, maritimes ou aériennes est convoitée par les nations qui parviennent à en faire des chasses gardées à l'exception d'une seule composante : le cyberespace. Ce lieu d'échanges et de circulation de l'information s'est affranchi de cet accaparement. C'est ce qui le ...
Each party of the space, realized by the ground, maritime or air borders is desired by the nations which succeed in making it private grounds with the exception of a single component: the cyberspace. This place of exchanges and circulation of information freed itself from this cornering. It is what makes it real for the uses which it allows (sendings of messages, broadcasting) of real-time information, trainings and virtual (as far as the digital networks follow with difficulty localizable paths) in the point to generate difficulties as for its frame by the law. From then on, the cyberspace sets up itself as a space where it is easy to cultivate illegal activities considering the opportunities which it offers. The illegal activities marry forms pluridimensionnelles and complex which we group under the generic naming of cybercrime. Due to its nature and its subdivisions, the cybercrime is the object of reflections, studies, searches, implementations of politics and of actions in a national and international scale to reach in his eradication. The actions are led in way coordinated between States and institutions. The fight against this interplanetary phenomenon requires the mutualization of the efforts on behalf of the actors of telecommunications, computing, all the professional layers as well as her on behalf of the consumers under reserve that they are informed well about the risks connected for the cyberspace. The study compared by the systems of repression implemented in the European and West-African spaces will allow to understand better the exercise of the penal sovereign right in front of the cybercrime and the importance of collaborations between these two community spaces. ; Chaque partie de l'espace, matérialisée par les frontières terrestres, maritimes ou aériennes est convoitée par les nations qui parviennent à en faire des chasses gardées à l'exception d'une seule composante : le cyberespace. Ce lieu d'échanges et de circulation de l'information s'est affranchi de cet accaparement. C'est ce qui le ...
Each party of the space, realized by the ground, maritime or air borders is desired by the nations which succeed in making it private grounds with the exception of a single component: the cyberspace. This place of exchanges and circulation of information freed itself from this cornering. It is what makes it real for the uses which it allows (sendings of messages, broadcasting) of real-time information, trainings and virtual (as far as the digital networks follow with difficulty localizable paths) in the point to generate difficulties as for its frame by the law. From then on, the cyberspace sets up itself as a space where it is easy to cultivate illegal activities considering the opportunities which it offers. The illegal activities marry forms pluridimensionnelles and complex which we group under the generic naming of cybercrime. Due to its nature and its subdivisions, the cybercrime is the object of reflections, studies, searches, implementations of politics and of actions in a national and international scale to reach in his eradication. The actions are led in way coordinated between States and institutions. The fight against this interplanetary phenomenon requires the mutualization of the efforts on behalf of the actors of telecommunications, computing, all the professional layers as well as her on behalf of the consumers under reserve that they are informed well about the risks connected for the cyberspace. The study compared by the systems of repression implemented in the European and West-African spaces will allow to understand better the exercise of the penal sovereign right in front of the cybercrime and the importance of collaborations between these two community spaces. ; Chaque partie de l'espace, matérialisée par les frontières terrestres, maritimes ou aériennes est convoitée par les nations qui parviennent à en faire des chasses gardées à l'exception d'une seule composante : le cyberespace. Ce lieu d'échanges et de circulation de l'information s'est affranchi de cet accaparement. C'est ce qui le ...
Summit Conference of Independent African States meeting in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, from the 22 to 25 May 1963 ; Co-operation amongst the African States in the social and labour fields is vital and will contribute to the realization of a sound solidarity amongst their peoples.
Summit Conference of Independent African States meeting in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, from 22 to 25 May 1963 ; Notable efforts made by the Imperial Government of Ethiopia in organizing the first historic meeting of Heads of Independent African States and Government to consolidate African unity through the inception of the Organization of African Unity.
The main objective of this research is to show how the abundance of natural re-sources creates economic and political dysfunctions as ilustrated by African countries. This study is based on four essays. The first essay examines empirically about 36 African countries, the determinants of longevity in power. The second essay analyzes the effect of fragmentation in 45 African countries, with particular emphasis on political stability. The third essay deals with the effect of border disputes by conducting an empirical study of the DRC and its nine neigh-boring countries. Finally, the fourth essay focuses on the macroeconomic effects of the type of political regime in the DRC. We use several types of econometrics and data sources adapted to each of the situations mentioned. We achieve the following key results: (1) dependence on oil and minerals positively impacts longevity in power in Africa, and human capital reduces the chances for an African head of state to stay long in power. (2) fragmentation negatively impacts political stability. (3) the mining resource rents increase border conflicts in the DRC (4) The consequences of the type of political regime and the abundance of natural resources increase the macroeconomic instability in the DRC.We suggest that the promotion of the education sec-tor should be at the heart of government strategies and therefore a priority and the strengthe-ning of constitutional rules regarding elections. ; L'objectif principal de cette recherche est de montrer comment l'abondance des ressources naturelles crée des dysfonctionnements économique et politique à partir de quelques exemples de pays africains. Cette étude s'articule autour de quatre essais. Le premier essai examine em-piriquement sur 36 pays africains, les déterminants de la longévité au pouvoir. Le deuxième essai analyse l'effet de la fragmentation dans 45 pays africains, en mettant un accent particu-lier sur la stabilité politique. Le troisième essai traite l'effet des conflits frontaliers en menant une étude empirique sur ...
This thesis is based on three essays focused on analysis of the excess liquidity in the CEMAC countries. The first one identifies the determinants of excess liquidity in developing countries by studying the case of CEMAC member countries from 1985 to 2002. The GMM estimator used has shown that the excess liquidity in Central Africa derived from both the prudence of commercial banks and exogenous factors. The precaution of Commercial Banks can be explained by the financial crisis in 1980s, the restructuring of the banking system, the instability of deposits and a very risky economic environment. The increasing in oil prices fueling excess reserves due to the low absorption capacity of countries in the region. In the second essay, it was discussed the transmission channels in Central Africa. The VAR model used has shown that the interest rate channel is the lowest. This is exactly the lack of a financial market that does not allow ensuring the function of the recycling of liquidity and the transmission of monetary policy. At the last essay, it was developed a forecasting model of inflation in Chad which is member of CEMAC countries. BVAR models have been shown in Chad to be more effective than traditional tools (AR, ARIMA and VAR). A sensitivity analysis undertaken by the Bayesian approach indicates that the excess liquidity would exert inflationary pressures. ; Cette thèse s'articule autour de trois essais consacrés à l'analyse de la surliquidité bancaire dans les pays de la CEMAC. Le premier essai a cherché à identifier les déterminants de la surliquidité des pays membres de la CEMAC sur la période de 1985 à 2002. L'estimation GMM utilisé a permis de montrer que la surliquidité en Afrique Centrale dérive à la fois du comportement de précaution des banques commerciales et des facteurs exogènes. La grande prudence des banques peut s'expliquer par l'expérience de la crise financière des années 1980, la restructuration du système bancaire, l'instabilité des dépôts et un contexte économique très risqué. L'embellie du ...
This thesis is based on three essays focused on analysis of the excess liquidity in the CEMAC countries. The first one identifies the determinants of excess liquidity in developing countries by studying the case of CEMAC member countries from 1985 to 2002. The GMM estimator used has shown that the excess liquidity in Central Africa derived from both the prudence of commercial banks and exogenous factors. The precaution of Commercial Banks can be explained by the financial crisis in 1980s, the restructuring of the banking system, the instability of deposits and a very risky economic environment. The increasing in oil prices fueling excess reserves due to the low absorption capacity of countries in the region. In the second essay, it was discussed the transmission channels in Central Africa. The VAR model used has shown that the interest rate channel is the lowest. This is exactly the lack of a financial market that does not allow ensuring the function of the recycling of liquidity and the transmission of monetary policy. At the last essay, it was developed a forecasting model of inflation in Chad which is member of CEMAC countries. BVAR models have been shown in Chad to be more effective than traditional tools (AR, ARIMA and VAR). A sensitivity analysis undertaken by the Bayesian approach indicates that the excess liquidity would exert inflationary pressures. ; Cette thèse s'articule autour de trois essais consacrés à l'analyse de la surliquidité bancaire dans les pays de la CEMAC. Le premier essai a cherché à identifier les déterminants de la surliquidité des pays membres de la CEMAC sur la période de 1985 à 2002. L'estimation GMM utilisé a permis de montrer que la surliquidité en Afrique Centrale dérive à la fois du comportement de précaution des banques commerciales et des facteurs exogènes. La grande prudence des banques peut s'expliquer par l'expérience de la crise financière des années 1980, la restructuration du système bancaire, l'instabilité des dépôts et un contexte économique très risqué. L'embellie du cours du pétrole alimente les réserves excédentaires due à la faible capacité d'absorption des pays de la zone. Dans le deuxième essai, il a été question d'identifier les canaux de transmission les plus opérationnels en Afrique Centrale. La modélisation VAR a permis de montrer que le taux d'intérêt est le canal le plus faible. C'est précisément la carence d'un marché financier qui ne permet pas d'assurer le rôle de recyclage de la liquidité bancaire et de la transmission de la politique monétaire. Dans le troisième essai, a été élaboré un modèle de prévision d'inflation dans un des pays membres de la CEMAC à savoir le Tchad. Les modèles BVAR se sont révélés en Afrique Centrale être plus efficaces que les outils traditionnels (AR, ARIMA, VAR). L'analyse de sensibilité entreprise par l'approche bayesienne indique que la surliquidité exercerait des tensions inflationnistes dans la zone.
"Ensuring order and security" is a deep-seated desire shared by the whole of humanity. It is therefore reasonable to devote this thesis to the place occupied by insecurity in public debate in the Central African Republic, a state covering roughly the same surface area as France. Security implies that the weight of fear or terror is removed. If order and security are to be genuinely ensured in the Central African Republic, more is required than the absence of bloodshed and the protection of each citizen's physical integrity. It is also essential that the rights of all be respected and that all citizens should be entitled to the protection of their rights as well as their possessions. Legal security is therefore a fundamental requirement, closely related to the rule of law, that is to say a state subject to the rule of law. This association is of course due to the strong bond existing between the notions of security and law, a bond which is highlighted by a judge: if security remains one of the goals assigned to law, through its pre-eminence the law is an effective means to guarantee security. Conventional wisdom today equates the rule of law with democracy. If democracy lies behind the reinforcement of the rule of law, and in particular through the principle that all citizens should be entitled to contribute directly or by means of their representatives to the voting of laws, for it to be effective, the rule of law must establish a legal protection system allowing laws to be passed free of all constraint. ; Un sentiment que l'humanité toute entière éprouve demeure le leitmotiv « assurer l'ordre et la sécurité ». C'est pourquoi la place qu'occupe l'insécurité dans le débat public en République Centrafricaine, Etat situé au Centre de l'Afrique à peu près la même superficie que la France, rend souhaitable cette thèse. La sécurité signifie que l'on n'est pas sous le poids de la peur ou de la terreur. Pour que l'ordre et la sécurité soient vraiment assurés en République centrafricaine, il ne suffit pas que le sang ne ...
"Ensuring order and security" is a deep-seated desire shared by the whole of humanity. It is therefore reasonable to devote this thesis to the place occupied by insecurity in public debate in the Central African Republic, a state covering roughly the same surface area as France. Security implies that the weight of fear or terror is removed. If order and security are to be genuinely ensured in the Central African Republic, more is required than the absence of bloodshed and the protection of each citizen's physical integrity. It is also essential that the rights of all be respected and that all citizens should be entitled to the protection of their rights as well as their possessions. Legal security is therefore a fundamental requirement, closely related to the rule of law, that is to say a state subject to the rule of law. This association is of course due to the strong bond existing between the notions of security and law, a bond which is highlighted by a judge: if security remains one of the goals assigned to law, through its pre-eminence the law is an effective means to guarantee security. Conventional wisdom today equates the rule of law with democracy. If democracy lies behind the reinforcement of the rule of law, and in particular through the principle that all citizens should be entitled to contribute directly or by means of their representatives to the voting of laws, for it to be effective, the rule of law must establish a legal protection system allowing laws to be passed free of all constraint. ; Un sentiment que l'humanité toute entière éprouve demeure le leitmotiv « assurer l'ordre et la sécurité ». C'est pourquoi la place qu'occupe l'insécurité dans le débat public en République Centrafricaine, Etat situé au Centre de l'Afrique à peu près la même superficie que la France, rend souhaitable cette thèse. La sécurité signifie que l'on n'est pas sous le poids de la peur ou de la terreur. Pour que l'ordre et la sécurité soient vraiment assurés en République centrafricaine, il ne suffit pas que le sang ne coule pas et que soit protégée l'intégrité physique du citoyen. Il faut aussi que les droits de tous soient respectés et qu'ils en aient la jouissance tranquille comme celle de tous leurs biens. L'exigence fondamentale demeure la sécurité juridique qui est étroitement liée à l'Etat de droit entendu comme, son nom l'indique, un Etat soumis au droit. Cette proximité s'explique bien évidemment par le lien très fort qui existe entre les notions de sécurité et de droit. Ce lien est mis en exergue par le juge : si la sécurité demeure l'un des buts qui est assigné au droit, le droit, qui connaît un principe de prééminence, est un moyen efficace pour garantir la sécurité. Au jour d'aujourd'hui, une évidence est communément admise entre Etat de droit et démocratie. Si la démocratie participe au renforcement de l'Etat de droit plus précisément par le principe selon lequel tous les citoyens doivent pouvoir concourir directement ou par l'intermédiaire de leurs représentants au vote des lois, l'Etat de droit, s'il veut être effectif, doit instaurer un système de protection juridictionnelle afin que les lois votées ne reposent pas sur la contrainte.
