African States have been the first supporters of the ICC and are the most numerous group among the ICC Member States. Nevertheless, in recent years, the African Union (AU) and numerous African States perceive the ICC as an instrument of a new form of colonialism of the main Powers, which encroach African States sovereignty through the ICC judicial activities. After the indictment of former Sudanese President Al Bashir, the AU urged the UN Security Council to defer the ICC proceedings as it impedes efforts to secure a lasting peace in that country; it decided that its Member States shall not comply with the Al Bashir arrest warrant, and developed a strategy for "collective withdrawal". Given this backdrop, the paper first connects of this ICC's "crisis" to the general crisis of multilateralism Then it focuses on the "positive" effects of the African criticism on the development of the ICC most recent judicial activities. It also analyses whether the mentioned Africa Union/African States' criticism is an effort to claim their own role in managing African affairs and African crimes, and to become a more fundamental part of international politics and institutions. Finally, it ascertains whether the principle of "positive complementarity" may become a useful tool to solve the conflict between the ICC and African States.
The Applicant, Private Barnabas Eli, is a Nigerian citizen who enrolled into the Nigerian Army (hereinafter "the Army") on the 14th August 2009. The applicant refers that he was sent to the first battalion of the Army to be part of the so-called "Special Task Force", operation Save Haven. Specifically, he was on duty at the Kassa checkpoint. On 6th April 2012, while at work, the applicant states to have a severe stomachache and, therefore, needs to purchase medication at the closest chemist. When the applicant came back to his domicile, he found his residence robbed and his rifle disappeared. He was charged with the arm's disappearance and detained at the Barkin Ladi Police station. At a later stage, he was held at the third Division, which had jurisdiction on the case. On 9th December 2013, he was condemned by the Military Court Martial to a two years imprisonment. He was released on 8th December 2015, after completing the two years' detention. The applicant complains the disrespect of article 6 of the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights (hereinafter "The Charter), namely the right to liberty. He then alleges that the Respondent state was no able to prove any allegation related to his rifles' vanishing and objected to embrace the general martial court's deliberations to date. Furthermore, he stated the violation of articles 1,2,3,4,5,7 and 15 of the African Charter.
The One Belt One Road initiative is fundamental in the priority projects of the Chinese government, as it falls within the objectives of revitalization of the national economy through the increase in GDP and the creation of new international links. Consequently, in these years China is developing a great economic integration plan based also on a complex set of transport and logistics infrastructures. The construction of a complex of highways, high-speed railways, ports, airports, oil pipelines and telecommunications networks is in progress, aimed at increasing internal economic, financial and cultural relations and exchanges, as well as those between Beijing and many Asian, European, African states. It is therefore particularly interesting to try to grasp the role played by Italy in this ambitious project that – once completed – is destined to redesign the commercial and financial network on a world scale.
In her article, Bailkin is interested in the embodied presences of empire in the case files and records of the post-war welfare state. She sets out to interrogate the history of decolonization and the strict correlation with families' lives. She wonders also how the new social sciences provided modern modes of interaction between the state and different migrant groups in Great Bretain. Her attention in this article concerns African immigrant students from Nigeria and Ghana and his/her family (when their wifes or husbands and children were in Britain too). Bailkin uses archives from various government departments, newspaper reports, and individual life stories to unpack the ways in which new migrant subjects were constituted and pathologised. Concerning the fostering and/or adoption of African children into English White homes Bailkin points out the profound consequences for generations of black families, as well the criteria by which all families in Britain were evaluated as "good" or "bad" ones.
The research is part of the global history of the Decolonization and Cold War, focusing on the formation and development of the postcolonial states of the former French Sub-Saharan Africa (Guinea, Mali, Senegal, Cameroon, Congo) and on the intervention of the Superpowers in that area. In this regard, the perception of the two most important Western communist parties, the Italian Communist Party and the French Communist Party, allows an original viewing angle to reconstruct the history of African nationalist and Marxist countries and movements. The transnational dynamics that have crossed western and equatorial Africa can be analyzed with a global view resulting from the PCI and PCF, defining their political, social and cultural features. The affinities and theoretical differences between the communist parties and African anti-colonial movements, the divisions in the "socialist camp" and the relations between the PCI and the PCF is an "histoire croisée" referring to the sources produced and preserved by these two political parties. It's a joint supervision PhD by "Tor Vergata" University of Rome and Paris 1 "Panthéon-Sorbonne" University. ; La recherche fait partie d'une histoire globale de la décolonisation et de la guerre froide. Cette histoire est centrée sur l'édification et le développement des états postcoloniaux de l'Afrique subsaharienne francophone (Guinée, Mali, Sénégal, Cameroun et Congo) et sur l'intervention des puissances étrangères dans ce territoire. En ce contexte, la perception des deux partis communistes les plus importants de l'Occident, le Parti communiste français et le Parti communiste italien, témoigne d'un point de vue original à l'égard de l'histoire des pays et des mouvements africains nationalistes et marxistes. Les dynamiques transnationales qui concernaient l'Afrique occidentale et équatoriale sont ici analysées avec la visuelle « globale » montrée par les deux partis communistes européens, ce qui définit leurs caractéristiques politiques, sociales et culturelles. Les similarités et ...
The research is part of the global history of the Decolonization and Cold War, focusing on the formation and development of the postcolonial states of the former French Sub-Saharan Africa (Guinea, Mali, Senegal, Cameroon, Congo) and on the intervention of the Superpowers in that area. In this regard, the perception of the two most important Western communist parties, the Italian Communist Party and the French Communist Party, allows an original viewing angle to reconstruct the history of African nationalist and Marxist countries and movements. The transnational dynamics that have crossed western and equatorial Africa can be analyzed with a global view resulting from the PCI and PCF, defining their political, social and cultural features. The affinities and theoretical differences between the communist parties and African anti-colonial movements, the divisions in the "socialist camp" and the relations between the PCI and the PCF is an "histoire croisée" referring to the sources produced and preserved by these two political parties. It's a joint supervision PhD by "Tor Vergata" University of Rome and Paris 1 "Panthéon-Sorbonne" University. ; La recherche fait partie d'une histoire globale de la décolonisation et de la guerre froide. Cette histoire est centrée sur l'édification et le développement des états postcoloniaux de l'Afrique subsaharienne francophone (Guinée, Mali, Sénégal, Cameroun et Congo) et sur l'intervention des puissances étrangères dans ce territoire. En ce contexte, la perception des deux partis communistes les plus importants de l'Occident, le Parti communiste français et le Parti communiste italien, témoigne d'un point de vue original à l'égard de l'histoire des pays et des mouvements africains nationalistes et marxistes. Les dynamiques transnationales qui concernaient l'Afrique occidentale et équatoriale sont ici analysées avec la visuelle « globale » montrée par les deux partis communistes européens, ce qui définit leurs caractéristiques politiques, sociales et culturelles. Les similarités et les différences entre ces deux partis communistes et les mouvements anticoloniaux africains, ainsi que les fractures internes au « camp socialiste » et les relations entre PCI et PCF constituent une histoire croisée qui fait référence aux sources produites et conservées par ces deux organisations politiques. Il s'agit d'une thèse en cotutelle entre l'Université de Rome « Tor Vergata » et l'Université Paris 1 « Panthéon-Sorbonne ».
[EN] The five volumes of the precious archival collection of drawings called Architettura Militare (Military Architecture), kept at the Archivio di Stato di Torino (Turin State Archive), propose documents made mostly by military engineers from the half of the sixteenth to the following first decade. The tomes collect mostly drawings of places under the aegis of the Duchy of Savoy, apart from the second one, dedicated to documents of Spanish military interest (Mediterranean Sea and Lombardy maps). As I pointed out at Fortmed Convention 2018, the reason why these documents are kept at the Turin State Archives is because of their belonging to Catherine of Aragon, daughter of the Spanish king and wife of Carlo Emanuele I di Savoia. In the volume Architettura Militare II (Military Architecture II) 26 tables, all datable from 1522 (Rhodes) to 1596 (Cadiz), concern territories, walled cities and fortifications, of islands and Mediterranean coasts, disputed by Christians and Turks for the supremacy on the sea. In the previous study I had examined drawings about Egypt, eastern Ottoman territories and Holy Land coasts, Spanish possessions as Perpignan and Cadiz bay. In this new study instead, I would like to examine in depth the iconography about Tunisia. Those drawings, so different from each other for scale and graphic quality, document those phases in which the Spanish control is characterized by alternate situations: the Iberian presidio dates back to 1535, reconquered by Ottomans in 1570, it is taken back in three years by Christians who keep it until 1574 only, when the whole Tunisian territory, precious bastion for the control of routes and trades, definitely returns in the hands of the Turks. ; Davico, P. (2020). Fortificazioni della Tunisia contese tra Spagnoli e Turchi a metà del secolo XVI, documentate dall'iconografia coeva. Un'analisi dal ter-ritorio all'architettura. Editorial Universitat Politècnica de València. 601-608. https://doi.org/10.4995/FORTMED2020.2020.11347 ; OCS ; 601 ; 608
Ci si propone con questo breve intervento di indicare le linee fondamentali di una ricerca in corso sulle sentenze emesse dal 1927 al 1939 dal Tribunale Speciale per la Difesa dello Stato in Tripolitania conservate presso l'Archivio Centrale dello Stato. Mentre ormai è abbastanza chiaro quali fossero le metodologie di repressione attuate dal TSDS in Italia, la sua attività in Africa, le sue finalità e i limiti della sua capacità di intervento, sono ancora da esplorare. Tuttavia, dopo una prima ricognizione del materiale archivistico, risulta chiaro che l'esame delle sentenze di questo particolare organo giurisdizionale presuppone un approfondimento della complessa realtà coloniale, caratterizzata da frammentazioni etniche, religiose e culturali che si riflettono nelle vicende ventennali della resistenza libica contro gli Italiani. Tali frammentazioni non solo hanno reso accidentato e spesso sterile l'intervento dei colonizzatori prima 'liberali' e poi 'fascisti', ma hanno determinato dopo la conquista dell'indipendenza dello stato africano nel 1951 una sostanziale assenza di dialogo fra le storiografie europea e africana. Per questo motivo la storiografia sulla Libia è certo ricca, ma sconta difficoltà di 'comunicazione' dovute alle profonde differenze culturali, a partire dalla lingua araba, che hanno reso difficile il dialogo fra storici italiani e libici negli ultimi decenni dello scorso secolo. Cercheremo qui di dare conto di ciò che è emerso da una prima ricognizione bibliografica che ha per scopo, non va dimenticato, la comprensione dell'attività giurisdizionale del TSDS in colonia. In particolare ciò che si vuole comprendere è chi fosse il nemico che i fascisti tentarono di combattere con il loro tribunale di giustizia politica, con quali strumenti lo affrontarono, quanta fosse la distanza fra il nemico reale (per quanto è possibile anche per noi comprenderlo) e il nemico costruito dalla non comprensione e dalla propaganda della Metropoli. A questo scopo l'esposizione è stata organizzata intorno a due poli: i colonizzatori e i colonizzati. ; The aim of this brief work is to indicate the fundamental features of an ongoing research on the judgements issued from 1927 to 1939 by the Special Court for the Defense of the State in Tripolitania preserved at the Central State Archive. While it is now quite clear which were the methods of repression implemented by the SCDS in Italy, its activity in Africa, its aims and the limits of its capacity to intervene, are still to be explored. However, after a quick survey of the archival material, it is clear that the examination of the judgements of this court implies a deeper insight into the complex colonial reality, characterized by ethnic fragmentation, religious and cultural events that are reflected in the twenty-year events of the Libyan resistance against the Italians. These fragmentations have not only made uneven and often sterile the intervention of the colonizers, who were first "liberal" and then "fascist", but they also determined, after the conquest of the independence of the African state in 1951, a substantial lack of dialogue between European and African historiographies. For this reason, the historiography on Libya is certainly rich, but pays the consequences of a difficult communication due to the deep cultural differences, starting from the Arabic language, which have made difficult the dialogue between Italian and Libyan historians in the last decades of the last century. We will try here to give an account of what emerged from an initial bibliographical survey that has for purpose of understanding the SCDS judicial activity in the colony. In particular, what we want to understand is who was the enemy that the fascists tried to fight with their court of political justice, what tools they faced it with, how great was the distance between the real enemy (as much as it is possible for us to understand it) and the enemy created by the lack of understanding and by the propaganda of the Metropolis. For this purpose our work is organized around two poles: the colonizers and the colonized.
Il dibattito sviluppatosi in seno al panafricanismo produsse importanti divisioni in Africa, soprattutto tra il gruppo dei cosiddetti "gradualisti", capeggiati dall'ivoriano Houphouët Boigny, e il gruppo dei "radicali", i quali propendevano per un'unione continentale immediata. Il primo presidente del Ghana Kwame Nkrumah prospettò la nascita degli Stati Uniti d'Africa come soluzione all'artificiosità del continente, creando una struttura che delegasse a un'autorità centrale sovranazionale funzioni di politica economica e di politica estera e di difesa. Nonostante il processo di implementazione dell'ideologia panafricanista non abbia prodotto l'unione continentale, sfociando in un primo momento nell'istituzione dell'Organizzazione dell'unità africana (OUA), su una base puramente intergovernativa e, solo successivamente, nell'Unione Africana (UA), tentando di adottare strumenti più sovranazionali, il pensiero radicale di Nkrumah ha lasciato un'importante eredità in Africa, la quale emerge ancora oggi. L'Agenda 2063, The Africa We Want, ne è un esempio. Le teorie radicali di Nkrumah si pongono, quindi, come un ribaltamento dell'"afropessimismo", delineando un approccio autenticamente africano alle problematiche africane, il quale risulta totalmente svincolato dai paradigmi eurocentrici e volto ad adattarsi efficacemente alla realtà del continente e alle sfide della globalizzazione. The debate that developed within Pan-Africanism produced important divisions in Africa, especially between the group of so-called 'gradualists', led by the Ivorian Houphouët Boigny, and the group of 'radicals', who advocated an immediate continental union. Ghana's first president Kwame Nkrumah envisaged the birth of the United States of Africa as a solution to the continent's artificiality, creating a structure that would delegate economic, foreign and defence policy functions to a supranational central authority. Although the process of implementing the pan-Africanist ideology did not result in continental union, leading initially to the establishment of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) on a purely intergovernmental basis and only later to the African Union (AU), attempting to adopt more supranational instruments, Nkrumah's radical thought left an important legacy in Africa, which is still evident today. Agenda 2063, The Africa We Want, is one example. Nkrumah's radical theories are therefore a reversal of 'Afro-pessimism', outlining an authentically African approach to African problems, one that is totally untethered from Eurocentric paradigms and aimed at effectively adapting to the reality of the continent and the challenges of globalization.
The market-oriented Private Military Companies (PMC) are said to be a new tool for post-Cold War-peacekeeping in war-torn environments: actually, private security is strongly embedded in the so called "new wars", and derives from the retrenchment of the state in response to the globalisation. The study compares two different kinds of peacekeeping strategies: private security and regional peacekeeping are analysed in the context of Sierra Leone, an African country shocked by a savage civil war in the 90's. The first case describes the intervention of Executive Outcomes (EO) - a former and controversial South African PMC - in Sierra Leone (1995): EO provided only a short-lived frame of security which was instrumental to business interest of major international mining corporations. The second case is multilateral peacekeeping on a regional basis: ECOWAS Cease-fire Monitoring Group (ECOMOG) intervention in Sierra Leone (1997-2000) was the first case of sub-regional peacekeeping in Africa: despite its difficulties due to political ambiguity, financial capacity and logistical obstacles, this intervention put in place a more legitimate peacekeeping strategy. A full understanding of modern privatised security shows its inadequacy for successful peaceful conflict transformations. Additionally, regional-based peacekeeping strategies, albeit more legitimate than private security, needs to be deeply refined in terms of training, funding and political will, in order to be successful.
This paper questions dominant analyses about Libya's present 'war economy' and 'statelessness', which are often deployed to explain the country's ongoing destruction. By reinterpreting the history of the past as the failure of Libya to implement neoliberal reforms, these accounts trivialise its antiimperialist history. The article reflects on the role that war and militarism play in the US-led imperialist structure, tracing the gradual unmaking of Libya from the progressive revolutionary era, towards its transformation into a comprador state and an outpost for global class war. In doing so, it moves the focus away from Libya's 'war economy' to examine the war and the economy, linking Libya's fate to the geoeconomic and geopolitical forces at the core of US-led imperialism. ; This is a Italian translation of an article previously published in English in the Review of African Political Economy, 2020, DOI:10.1080/03056244.2020.1801405.
A new era of multiparty politics in Kenya began in December 1991, when President Daniel Arap Moi repealed the constitutional clause that enshrined the Kenya African National Union (KANU) as the sole political party. Despite widespread unpopularity, Moi won the presidential elections and his party secured a majority in parliament in the following two general elections, held in December 1992 and December 1997. This doctoral thesis is structured in five parts. The first part takes a historical perspective of African's Civil Movements and seeks to put into context of African's State. The second part takes a historical reconstruction of Kenya's Political Transiction. The third part traces and analyses the rule of Civil Association and particulary and examines and analyses NCEC's activities in its quest for constitutional reforms. The fourth part examines as aid donors played a central part not only in initially advancing the cause of multipartyism. The last part analyses the political role of NGOs.
Right from the time of decolonisation, followed by end of cold war, subsahara Africa has enjoyed a relative peace. This is due to continued civil wars that still exist in some parts of the continent. The preliminary research on this topic found that the Subsahara Africa appears to have an abundant supply of illegal Small Arms and Light Weapons (SALWs) such as AK-47, which are supposed to be exclusively owned and used by the military, police officers or other security agencies in the region. In Liberia, the emergence of domestic conflicts fleared up by warlords and warlordism during the reign of ex presiedent Charles Taylor that led to the rampant use of SALWs in conflict areas. Nonetheless, the threat of illegal supply of SALWs has not been placed under International security priorities. In fact, illegal production, transfer and possession of firearms are considered only as criminal activities. This thesis has an important question; to what extent the circulation and the illicit proliferation of SALWs have posed a threat to Liberian national security? The major assumption is that the illicit proliferation of SALWs in Liberia's conflict areas such as Monrovia, Nimba county, and Mano River basin, threatened not only its national but rather regional and continental security because it became a base for nurtruing radicalist minds like Al-queada. Thus, this research aims firstly to analyse SAWLs proliferations in Africa and Liberia and secondly to analyse the capability of the regionals state (ECOMOG), African Unione, international bodies like UN how it responsended to those threats. This research used quantitative methods by using primary as well as secondary data as major sources of references. Primary data gathered were from government official documents as well and some scholars on the issue. The findings of the research show that the illicit proliferation of SALWs has threatened wide range of national security at three levels: individual, societal and state and as well as at Continental and International level. Furthermore, this thesis concludes that the Liberia's national legislations on SALWs are insufficient to regulate and control SALWs proferation. Hence, the research suggests that Liberia should accept the assistance offered by the: Regional Programmes on SALW, Proper disarmament and rehabilitation, Role of African Unione and European Unione, United Nations Programme of Action (UNPOA) to update and develop its national legislation on the illicit proliferation of SALWs.
The restoration of Portugal has been one of the most relevant objects of Iberian historiographical studies in the last decades. The study of the events related by the Neapolitan Capuchin Fra' Bonaventura d'Alessano reconstructs the internal problems of John IV of Bragança and the court of Lisbon and the limits that the reason of State focused on the missionary projection of the Holy See – through Propaganda Fide and the help given by Philip IV of Habsburg in Madrid– in the African continent, being a prologue to Catholic confessional activity in southern Africa and its consolidation despite the Dutch monopoly of the WIC in Angolan and Congolese spaces ; Questo saggio fa parte del progetto Reloj de Indias: la proyección europea en el Atlántico, 1665- 1700 (SI1/PJI/2019-00270), concesso dalla Comunidad de Madrid e l'Universidad Autónoma de Madrid (ricercatrice principale: Cristina Bravo Lozano; membro ricercatore: Roberto Quirós Rosado). Anche, è risultato del progetto FAILURE: Reversing the Genealogies of Unsuccess, 16th-19th Centuries [H2020-MSCA-RISE, Grant agreement: 823998] nel suo WP4. "Unsuccessful polities, from empire to nations, and international relationships" (membri ricercatori: Cristina Bravo Lozano e Roberto Quirós Rosado)
RiassuntoIl contributo si concentra sui Gaboye, un insieme di gruppi genealogici minoritari stanziati nei territori somali, e su alcuni snodi storici della loro presenza nel contesto urbano di Hargeysa, la capitale dell'autoproclamatasi Repubblica del Somaliland. Secondo le fonti di epoca coloniale i Gaboye erano oggetto di varie forme di marginalizzazione come l'esclusione dalle istituzioni politiche, la segregazione matrimoniale ed il legame con alcune attività professionali disprezzate e rifiutate dal resto della società. I Gaboye sono un gruppo professionale di basso status, costituiscono un caso analogo ad altri diffusi in numerose società africane ma raramente oggetto di studi specifici. Le varie forme del loro insediamento nella città di Hargeysa sin dal terzo decennio del Novecento hanno inciso profondamente sui processi di trasformazione della loro marginalizzazione. La migrazione dalle zone rurali durante il periodo coloniale ha costituito un momento di svolta. Ad essa sono legate le mobilitazioni dei Gaboye ad Hargeysa che hanno permesso loro di negoziare l'accesso alle medesime strutture socio-politiche fondamentali che regolavano la vita dei gruppi maggioritari. A partire da questo snodo storico, l'articolo ripercorre il loro coinvolgimento nella pianificazione urbana in epoca coloniale e postcoloniale, l'impatto della guerra civile, del collasso delle istituzioni statuali nei territori somali ed il loro accesso all'aiuto umanitario a seguito della pacificazione del Somaliland. Il filo conduttore nella ricostruzione di questa traiettoria storica è il rapporto circolare tra lo spazio costruito della città, le relazioni tra i gruppi gaboye di Hargeysa ed i gruppi maggioritari e le rappresentazioni collettive della loro condizione marginale.Gaboye in Hargeisa: the urban space as a sedimentfor marginalization processesThis article focuses on the Gaboye, a cluster of minority genealogical groups settled in the Somali territories, and on the turning points in the history of their presence in the town of Hargeysa, the capital of the self-declared Republic of Somaliland. The written sources of the colonial times described the Gaboye as object of different forms of marginalisation such as the exclusion from political institutions, marriage segregation and the association with some occupational activities despised and forbidden for the members of majority groups. The Gaboye are one of the low status occupational groups diffused in numerous African societies which received limited attention by African studies. After the 1920s, the changing forms of their settlement in Hargeysa deeply affected the transformation of their marginalisation. During colonial times, rural-urban mobility was a turning point. It is linked to the Gaboye's urban-based mobilisations which allowed them to negotiate their access to the same fundamental socio-political institutions which organised the internal life of the majority groups. This article reconstructs what happened after this crucial moment: the effects of colonial and postcolonial interventions of urban planning, the impactof civil war, the collapse of the state in the Somali territories and the Gaboye's access to humanitarian help after the pacification of Somaliland. The analysis of this historical trajectory outlines the interrelationship between the structures of the urban built space, the relations between the Gaboye and the majority groups in Hargeysa, and the collective representations of their marginality.
