Search results

This study examines the adoption of arbitration for the definitive solution of conflicts between Brazilian Public Administration and its citizens. Despite strong sociological reasons against adopting the institute in Brazil, surprisingly, legal scholars assimilated it with ease. Dogmatic reasons, however, prevent its adoption. The thesis that it is possible when it comes to the secondary interest is untenable, as the secondary interest is only valid when it coincides with the primary one. The unavailability of the public interest was circumvented by explicit legislative authorization term. It is impossible to circumvent the supremacy of the public interest over the private one, which prevents removing the judiciary from having the final word prerogative on the interpretation of matters of the public interest. Therefore, all laws that authorize administrative arbitration are unconstitutional. ; Este estudio trata sobre la adopción del arbitraje para la solución definitiva de los conflictos entre la Administración Pública brasileña y la administrada. A pesar de las fuertes razones sociológicas en contra de la adopción del instituto en Brasil, sorprendentemente la comunidad jurídica lo asimiló con facilidad. Sin embargo, razones dogmáticas impiden su adopción. La tesis de que es posible cuando se trata de interés secundario es insostenible, ya que el interés secundario solo es válido cuando coincide con el primario. La indisponibilidad del interés público se eludió mediante autorización legislativa expresa. Es imposible eludir la supremacía del interés público sobre el privado, lo que impide que el poder judicial tenga la prerrogativa de dar la última palabra en la interpretación de los asuntos relacionados con el interés público que deben descartarse. Por lo tanto, todas las leyes que autorizan el arbitraje administrativo son inconstitucionales. ; Este estudo versa sobre a adoção da arbitragem para solução definitiva de conflitos entre a Administração Pública brasileira e o administrado. Apesar de fortes razões ...

Habermas discusses the chances for the establishment of world citizenship in contemporary society, marked by multiculturalism and the process of globalization. Habermas identifies the historical configuration of the post-national constellation, and from there themed the transition from international law to the law of citizens of the world, which aligns the concept of citizenship to the idea of ​​human rights. Habermas analyzes the Kantian idea of ​​a cosmopolitan state in which citizens are legal subjects of their respective States and members of a cosmopolitan entity. Kant elaborates on the concept of world republic, which Habermas disagrees with, but offers the example of the European Union for a discussion on the realization of a just and peaceful international order. Based on the Kantian orientation of constituting an order of world citizenship, Habermas discusses the conformation and viability of this idea in contemporary times. For Habermas, it is possible to spell out the idea of ​​cosmopolitan citizenship. From the European Union, cooperation between States and citizens shows that a cosmopolitan community is needed to complement an international community of States.

This work analyzes the Agenda 2030 in its main potentiality to lead public policies and private actions towards a more sustainable path. At the same time it acknowledges its dependency on measurements and finance mechanisms for the Sustainable Development Goals implementation. The main argument is that public expectations face difficulties to be translated in public actions, due to, among other factors, the lack of measurement and finance mechanisms. With this purpose it starts describing what is the Agenda 2030, and how this United Nations lead international declaration is structured to be monitored and implemented by States and others multi stakeholders. Secondly it analyses the importance of the measurements to address critical social environmental challenges and to allow comparison between the achievements of each member state. Third it remarks the role-played by international financial institutions, by international investment and by the private sector in general. Forth, the article highlights the drawbacks the methodology of goals can represent when used to overcome collective challenges marked by moral issues and diffuse impacts, being highly dependent on measurements and finance tools. The methodology chosen was the descriptive and normative, the techniques used were documentary, legislative and bibliographic research.

Since it is imposed to thinking, deconstruction can be seen as a law, the Law itself. Deconstruction of law is to put it in the context of writing, to notice its submission to the différance, to the play in the language. The law of deconstruction acts in the deconstruction of law, revealing paradoxes and fragilities of juridical order, as well as concepts of natural law and human rights. Finally, deconstruction of law brings with it justice as undecidability, such as the obligation to make fair decisions, even when it is not possible to state the presence of justice. Law, writing and deconstruction converge then to justice, understood as the hospitality.

After the Lisbon Summit of 2009, the whole matter of fundamental rights in the European Union has taken a new connotation. Local economic interests and social protests – in opposition to the "neoliberal agenda" of EU institutions – have played an important role in stopping the enforcement of the "Constitutional Treaty" and boosted an anti-Euro mobilization. In the meanwhile, the European bodies and transnational corporations have continued to settle a new and alternative basis for the integration. A radical shift can be observed, from the research of synthetic set of principles – as those established on the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights – to a deeply technical and detailed normative production. The regulation on safety and healthy workplaces is one of the best point of view to study this change. Far from calling into question the unbalanced positions between the parties in contemporary labour relationships, the European strategy for workers' protection move through procedural issues and voluntary obedience to the soft law instruments. In the past, the legal doctrine described the creation of a multilevel architecture of institutions, sometimes implemented in a top-down approach. Along with this, recently, it was implemented the establishment of common organizational standards associated to a specific system of corporate governance to pursue a better integration between business and fundamental rights. ; Após o Summit de Lisboa de 2009, toda a questão dos direitos fundamentais na União Europeia tomou uma nova conotação. Os interesses econômicos locais e os protestos sociais – em oposição a "agenda neoliberal" promovida pelas instituições europeias – têm desempenhado um papel importante em parar a execução do "Tratado Constitucional" e impulsionaram uma mobilização anti-Euro. No enquanto isso, os organismos europeus e as empresas transnacionais instalaram uma base nova e alternativa para a integração. Uma mudança radical pode ser observada, a partir da pesquisa de um conjunto (ainda) sintético de princípios – como os estabelecidos na Carta dos Direitos Fundamentais da União Europeia – para uma produção normativa profundamente técnica e detalhada. A regulação da segurança no lugar de trabalho é um dos melhores pontos de observação para estudar a transformação mencionada. Longe de pôr em causa as posições desequilibradas entre as partes nas relações de trabalho contemporâneas, a estratégia europeia para a proteção da saúde dos trabalhadores prefere as questões procedimentais e a adesão voluntária aos instrumentos de soft law. No passado, a doutrina jurídica descrevia a criação de uma arquitetura multi-nível de instituições, as vezes implementada por meio de uma abordagem de cima para baixo (top-down approach). Junto com isso, recentemente, teve a implementação de padrões organizacionais comuns para a criação de um sistema específico de governança corporativa, finalizado a buscar uma melhor integração entre os negócios e os direitos fundamentais.

Este relatório, produzido pelo Grupo Consultivo presidido por Michelle Bachelet, constituído pela OIT com a colaboração da OMS afirma que cerca de 5,1 milhões de pessoas estão privadas de uma segurança social e proteção social adequadas, e que pouco mais de 15 por cento dos desempregados no mundo recebe subsídio de desemprego. O relatório estima ainda que os programas de proteção social podem agir como estabilizadores para atenuar o impacto negativo das crises económicas sobre o mercado de trabalho, contribuindo para manter a coesão social e estimular a procura interna