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On 4 February 2021, the ICC's Trial Chamber IX found Lord Resistance Army's Commander Dominic Ongwen guilty for a total of 61 crimes comprising crimes against humanity and war crimes, including many conflict-related sexual and gender-based violence crimes, committed in Northern Uganda
between 1 July 2002 and 31 December 2005. On 6 May 2021, Dominic Ongwen was sentenced to 25 years imprisonment for these crimes.<br/> In this Q&A we discuss this case with three renowned experts, namely Victoria Nyanjura (Survivor, Founder Women in Action for Women Uganda), Joseph
Manoba (lawyer and Legal Representative for victims in the Ongwen case) and Lorraine Smith van Lin (independent victim's rights expert). By answering 11 questions, they provide insight in the complexity of this case, including how it is perceived by LRA victims and survivors in Uganda.

Preliminary Material /Cyril Laucci -- PART I STATUTE OF THE INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL COURT /Cyril Laucci -- PART II RULES OF PROCEDURE AND EVIDENCE /Cyril Laucci -- PART III REGULATIONS OF THE COURT /Cyril Laucci -- List of Reviewed Decisions /Cyril Laucci -- Index /Cyril Laucci -- Table of Contents /Cyril Laucci.

The anti-narcotics policy during the reign of Rodrigo Duterte was intended to eradicate narcotics in the Philippines. The Philippines according to the rules of the Rome Statute are required to cooperate in the ICC investigation regarding indications of crimes against humanity in the implementation of policies. On the other hand, Rodrigo Duterte ordered local security forces not to cooperate with all forms of investigations carried out by the ICC in the Philippines. As of March 14, 2018 President Rodrigo Duterte said that the Philippines would revoke the ratification of the Rome Statute and leave the ICC membership. This study aims to analyze the reasons underlying the Duterte Decision through Graham T. Allison rational actor model theory. Based on the theory of the rational actor model, there are some policy alternatives to decide to get optimal result. Based on these, the decision to withdrawing Philippines membership from ICC is an effort to continue the implementation of anti-narcotics policies as Philipinnes national interest without ICC intervention.

Until the issue of international criminal justice entered into Kenya's politics, following the violently disputed 2007 elections, Kenya's successive governments had never taken international diplomacy and foreign policy seriously or, at least, had never publicly appeared to do so. Never before had the two concepts been so ubiquitous in the country's political lexicon as when the Mwai Kibaki government mobilised locally, continentally and globally in an attempt to torpedo two cases facing prominent Kenyans, the highest profile being Uhuru Kenyatta and William Ruto, at the International Criminal Court (ICC). Kibaki, and later his successor Kenyatta, aggressively canvassed for support on the international stage against the ICC. Kenya featured prominently in regional summits, African Union summits, at the United Nations Security Council (UNSC), and within the Assembly of States Parties (ASP) of the Rome Statute as it tried to make a no-holds-barred onslaught against the ICC. This article considers whether this show of diplomatic force, which resulted in Kenya extracting concessions from the ICC, was consistent with a well thought out and coherent foreign policy or a cynical reaction meant to rescue indicted persons from the grip of the international criminal justice.