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"In politics the thing to do is build yourself an army." The remark is attributed to the late Jimmy Hines, a successful Tammany Hall politician of the 1930's. In June, 1945, half way between the Regina Manifesto and the Winnipeg Declaration, the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation, at the head of the largest army in its history, prepared for the reward of virtue and patience—power in Ottawa and Ontario. The problems of building that army and then maintaining it under the adverse conditions following June, 1945, constitute the theme of this paper.In its first decade the C.C.F. had successfully welded a united, national organization out of a federation of parties and groups along a social-democrat and agrarian-protest spectrum. The absence of a New Deal party gave the "movement," as its members still call it, its opportunity. Its central bond was a common hatred of capitalism, allegedly responsible for the depression and its accompanying hardships. It was, however, less than unanimous about the remedy. The Regina Manifesto of 1933, the party's initial declaration of faith and intentions, was framed in the social democratic tradition. "No CCF government," it concluded, "will rest content until it has eradicated capitalism." But no statement of policy could ever avert the inevitable debate on "how far" and "how fast" socialism should be implemented.The topography of C.C.F. beliefs can be roughly charted by identifying its closest friends and mentors and its ideological boundaries on the "right" and "left." Its chief, though not unanimous, favourites have always been the Labour and Social Democratic parties of the Commonwealth, Scandinavia, and especially Great Britain. Its supporters ranged all the way from people who were made uneasy by talk of socialism despite endless assurances, to those drawn enviously to the glamour of revolutionary intrigue and virile, uncompromising militancy which they associated with Communism and Trotskyism. While these 'left wingers" pressed the leaders constantly to declare themselves on the questions of "how far" and "how fast," the great majority entrusted these matters to the leaders and concentrated instead on building the organization.

The effectiveness of a protest movement, such as trade unionism, depends on its ability to overcome the widespread disapproval and opposition it engenders. The worker's demands and their methods of enforcing them must somehow become egitimate in the eyes of the employers, the government, the public, and the workers themselves. The present article analyzes the British and German coal miners' struggles to overcome opposition to their endeavors to rise from traditional submission to the employer to some sort of partnership in industrial government. Its main emphasis is on the development of protest ideologies over a period of time, from the late 18th century to the first World War, which spans the industrial revolution in both countries. Although many of the aspects discussed apply to the countries as a whole, it is hoped that by focussing on a specific and rather distinct group with a long history, some of the contrasting elements will stand out more sharply. Britain will be discussed first, and then Germany, each case starting with employer-worker relations during the pre-industrial period and tracing the broad patterns of the protest movement through the period of viable unionism.

There are over 3 million Negro teen-agers in the US, 75% of whom live in the South. Their position in the Amer soc structure is decisively conditioned by race, inferiority, deprivation & youthfulness. Within Negro society they are differentiated into high-prestige & low-prestige categories on the basis of contrasting cultural heritages. Negro teen-age culture is a melange of general adolescent patterns & unique ethnic practices. 2 modes of aggression tend to distinguish this group: low-prestige youths exhibit unusual personal aggression; & the Coll teen-agers have created the racial protest movement. Racial protest takes several forms & constitutes one of the most positive elements of current US teen-age culture. Future developments, like current manifestations, are likely to be conditioned by soc trends already in evidence. Among other things there will be measurable increase of the protest theme. AA.

Youth culture of Western Europe shows marked similarities with the US & is almost certainly a product of similar soc & econ influences. In the postwar yrs, new problems have arisen partly as a result of the comparative affluence & security now enjoyed by greater numbers than heretofore & partly because of the pace at which these changes have occurred. Uncertainty of role & status sometimes results in an acute alienation between the generations. Repudiation of traditional values has produced rebellious behavior of an unprecedented kind, & there has been a sharp increase in violence & hooliganism among certain sections of the community. At the same time, a tendency toward pol'al apathy, distrust of officialdom, &the pursuit of short-term hedonistic goals are further indication of youth's fundamental dissatisfaction. In all countries, commercial interests have exploited this situation by providing a specialized teen-age market, & this has further emphasized the differing att's of young & elders. The literary field has witnessed a corresponding protest against 'the Establishment,' whereby many of the frustrations &, also, the stifled idealisms of youth have been given expression. The mingled hostility & confusion of young people presents educ'al agencies with a vital challenge & opportunity for constructive work. AA.

Father Coughlin's Union for Social Justice illustrates the nature & effectiveness of dissident protest against the New Deal during the 1936 pol'al campaign. The original purpose of the Union was to create an organization through which PO ostensibly would influence policies of the Roosevelt admin, but the movement attracted those people who had been seriously hurt by the depression, but were not satisfied by the New Deal reforms, & at an early stage it became apparent that Coughlin & the New Deal were irreconcilable. His supporters claimed that Coughlin's soc & econ program conformed essentially to Papal teaching, & fears were expressed about his adverse influence among Roman Cath's. The needs of the admin, however, coincided with Cath antagonism, & in a nation-wide broadcast Monsignor John Ryan rejected the Coughlin program as opposed to the spirit of the Papal encyclicals. The overwhelming result of the 1936 election revealed the slightness of Coughlin's influence at the polls. IPSA.

An autocratic regime undergoing industrialization either develops effective techniques to "manage" inevitable labor protest or sows the seeds of its own destruction. Its highly concentrated authority is incompatible with the accumulation of power within the mass movements which industrialization engenders or stirs into action. It must destroy or control them. This problem faced Tsarist Russia as it later faced Soviet Russia. In neither case were the rulers inclined to treat industrial disputes as a private affair between employers and workers and leave the solution in their hands. Yet, the two cases are radically different in methods and consequences. The modern totalitarian state directs and controls labor through worker mass organizations, by channelling the energy of the leaders and the enthusiasm of the followers into predetermined patterns. This method of control, which is essentially indirect and "from within", contrasts sharply with the old-fashioned method of direct control "from the top down", which aimed mainly at repressing rather than using labor organizations and at resolving industrial unrest partly through punishment and partly through more positive preventive measures.

There are over three million Negro teen-agers in the United States, three-fourths of whom live in the South. Their position in the American social structure is decisively conditioned by race, inferiority, deprivation, and youthfulness. Within Negro society, they are differentiated into high-prestige and low-prestige categories on the basis of contrasting cultural heritages. Negro teen-age culture is a melange of general adolescent patterns and unique ethnic practices. Two modes of aggression tend to distinguish this group of teen-agers. Low-prestige youths exhibit unusual personal aggression; the college teen-agers have created the racial protest movement. Racial protest takes several forms and constitutes one of the most positive elements of current American teen-age culture. Negro teen-age behavior is an indigenous part of the American cultural heritage. Future developments, like current mani festations, are likely to be conditioned by social trends already in evidence. Among other things there will be measurable increase of the protest theme. It is to be hoped that the protest will continue to be disciplined and constructive.

Only 3 times has the Negro attempted pol'al alliance with Southern whites on a basis of class interest--once briefly during the Reconstruction, once with the Populists, & once with the New Deal. Each time the alliance was on econ issues & coincided more or less with depression. The first 2 coalitions were broken up mainly by agitation of the race issue & the New Deal coalition, already weakened by the subsidence of econ issues, also seems destined for the same fate. Every increase of Negro militancy & Northern pressure for civil rights has furthered the alienation of Southern labor from the Negro, weakened the position of white liberals in the Democratic Party in the South, while enhancing race baiting as a pol'al asset there. Reacting strongly to these developments, the Southern Negro vote swung sharply to the Republican candidate in 1956. The Negro of the South, therefore, found himself voting with 2 white groups: one group farthest removed from him on the econ scale (the UMc) & another group, farthest removed from him on the race issue (the State Rights faction). Like the Negro, these 2 white groups were voting in protest--but their reasons were quite diff. The whites were voting against Northern, & the Negroes against Southern, leadership of the Democratic party. The new coalition offered little that was hopeful either to the Negro or the liberal cause. The most that can be claimed for the compromise Civil Rights Act of 195 is that the principal of federal intervention for the protection of voting rights & the corollary of federal restraint with respect to other civil rights are now the official policy of the Second Reconstruction. J. A. Fishman.