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The present volume aims at exploring the overall patterns of linguistic regionalism throughout Eastern Europe, casting also a comparative glance beyond this specific cultural setting into neighboring Western European regions. A wide array of aspects related to regional language designs are addressed, such as: linguistic rights, conflicting conceptualisations of linguistic regionalism, the role of the internet in identity modelling, the role of linguistics in language planning and research, etc. The volume is also designed to approach linguistic regionalism on a general theoretical level giving a critical assessment of Aleksandr Dulichenko's microlanguage paradigm. Case studies of individual projects as well as reports by regional language activist will provide the reader with glimpses of how regional language designs are set up and elaborated.

The ongoing at the beginning of the XXI century global economic crisis forces companies to take over restructuring actions. These changes are often associated with the reduction of employment and shaping of the new contract agreements with employees. Outplacement continues to be weakly popular and poorly recognized in Poland. It is the concept of responsible management of redundancies, which allows to mitigate the negative effects of losing a job and reduce the period of unemployment. The aim of this paper is to describe the essence and potential of outplacement usage in Poland. Undertaken critical analysis of the literature indicate measures for anticipate restructuring and outplacement functions in the protection of key enterprises competencies. Outplacement key stakeholders at the regional level were specified. Possibilities of outplacement organization including the local partnerships and pacts were explored. In other words, the cooperation of the commercial, public and non-governmental sector entities. Summary include proposals for further practical actions.

"Złożoność skutków starzenia się społeczeństw stanowi istotne wyzwanie na poziomie regionalnym i lokalnym. Działania adaptacyjne wymagają współpracy samorządów terytorialnych, podmiotów gospodarczych i organizacji pozarządowych. Opracowanie przybliża: wymiary interwencji, typologię "regionów kurczących się" oraz dwie inicjatywy: regionów dla ludzi w każdym wieku (Regions for All Ages) i sieci srebrnej gospodarki regionów europejskich (SEN@ER - Silver Economy Network of European Regions). Wskazano także na dylematy tworzenia specjalnych strategii regionalnych i czynniki sprzyjające ich realizacji oraz bariery budowy srebrnych gospodarek. Dodatkowo, przedstawiono wnioski z analizy wybranych strategii rozwoju regionalnego w Polsce. Podsumowanie określa możliwe kierunki dalszych badań." (Autorenreferat)

Celem artykułu jest analiza federalno-regionalnego modelu stosunków w odniesieniu do międzynarodowej aktywności poszczególnych regionów. Uporczywy trend centralizacji modelu federalno-regionalnego, zapoczątkowany za prezydentury Władimira Putina, spowodował powstanie nietypowej koncepcji centralnej koordynacji międzynarodowymi działaniami regionów. Pomimo dominacji Federacji Rosyjskiej nad regionami, nie jest to koncepcja utrwalona, ponieważ Kreml nie dysponuje wystarczającymi zasobami, głównie personalnymi, aby w pełni kontrolować sytuację polityczną w regionach. Wyłaniająca się koncepcja centralizmu wydaje się nie tylko szkodzić interesom poszczególnych regionów, ale podważać także siłę putinowskiego reżimu autorytarnego w dalszej perspektywie. ; The paper's aim is to explore the federal-regional model of relations as far as international activities of regions is concerned. A persistent centralization tendency, applied to the federal-regional model of relations and started under Vladimir Putin's presidency, has created an unusual concept of centralist coordination concerning the international activity of regions. Despite the federal dominance over regions, the concept is far from being consolidated, since the Kremlin lacks the resources, mainly human, to fully control the political situation in the regions. Yet, this evolving centralist concept seems to be detrimental not only to regions' interest, but also questions the strength of Putin's model of an authoritarian regime in the long term.

Seit einigen Jahren wird die Idee diskutiert, in Frankfurt (Oder) eine grenz überschreitende deutsch-polnische Einrichtung zu schaffen, die sich mit der Geschichte von Flucht und Vertreibung aus den östlich von Oder und Neiße gelegenen Gebieten der ehemaligen Provinz Brandenburg im Rahmen einer übergreifenden Regionalgeschichte auseinandersetzt. Der vorliegende Artikel erläutert den historischen Hintergrund und die besonderen regionalen Voraussetzungen, die die Konzeption einer solchen Institution bestimmen könnten: Es werden die organisatorische Geschichte der Landsmannschaft der Brandenburger und der Stiftung Brandenburg sowie die rechtlichen Rahmenbedingungen skizziert, die das Projekt ermöglichen könnten. Im Anschluss wird an einem Beispiel ein multiperspektivischer Blick auf die Region und auf die Ereignisse des Jahres 1945 geworfen und damit eine europäische Perspektive vorgezeichnet.

Celem artykułu jest analiza federalno-regionalnego modelu stosunków w odniesieniu do międzynarodowej aktywności poszczególnych regionów. Uporczywy trend centralizacji modelu federalno-regionalnego, zapoczątkowany za prezydentury Władimira Putina, spowodował powstanie nietypowej koncepcji centralnej koordynacji międzynarodowymi działaniami regionów. Pomimo dominacji Federacji Rosyjskiej nad regionami, nie jest to koncepcja utrwalona, ponieważ Kreml nie dysponuje wystarczającymi zasobami, głównie personalnymi, aby w pełni kontrolować sytuację polityczną w regionach. Wyłaniająca się koncepcja centralizmu wydaje się nie tylko szkodzić interesom poszczególnych regionów, ale podważać także siłę putinowskiego reżimu autorytarnego w dalszej perspektywie. ; The paper's aim is to explore the federal-regional model of relations as far asinternational activities of regions is concerned. A persistent centralization tendency, applied to the federal-regional model of relations and started under Vladimir Putin's presidency, has created an unusual concept of centralist coordination concerning the international activity of regions. Despite the federal dominance over regions, the concept is far from being consolidated, since the Kremlin lacks the resources, mainly human, to fully control the political situation in the regions. Yet, this evolving centralist concept seems to be detrimental not only to regions' interest, but also questions the strength of Putin's model of an authoritarian regime in the long term.

The aim of the study was, among others, to diagnose the degree of acceptance and recognition of the concept of flexicurity by employees and employers from the Podlaskie region, as well as an indication of the desired directions of activities aimed toward the development of such a combination of flexibility and security, which would lead to increasing the efficiency and effectiveness of the regional labor market.

There is no doubt that the International Security Assistance Force mission in Afghanistan is the most difficult operation in the history of NATO. 10‑years long international efforts to stabilize Afghanistan encounter strong Taliban resistance. Since years, NATO attempts to break this movement do not give the expected results. It is nowadays very, important as the outcome of the ISAF operation will have long‑term impact on the international security. To begin with, the result of this mission will affect the future shape and activity of the Atlantic Alliance. ISAF failure may result in reduction of NATO's role as a pillar of transatlanic security. Secondly, is fiasco may also have grave consequences for the political stability in Central Asia. Such countries as Turkmenistan, Tajikistan or Kyrgyzstan since years fight with the phantom of Islamic fundamentalism. If Afghanistan will be taken over by Taliban, these efforts may be doomed to failure. What is even more important, success of the NATO's mission is strongly connected with the internal situation of Pakistan. In the worst‑case scenario, the Pakistan government might be taken over by extremists, Finally, Afghanistan nowadays became a place of increased rivalry between several regional powers: India, Pakistan, Iran, China and Russia. This may cause several challenges for the international security in future. Therefore, the results of the NATO's International Security Assistance Force operation in Afghanistan will strongly affect the international security.

The presented article is aimed at reflecting usage of mediation as a form of international conflicts settlement and at revealing its factors, at the example of the case of conflict in Abkhazia, Georgia. The article is a hypothesis on to what extend international or regional organizations act as effective mediators during mediation process. Attempt of conflict regulation and work of the mediation platform created after Russian-Georgian war are discussed.The theory discussing main variables for evaluating international mediation represented in mediation literature have been used for evaluating mediation factors. The article shows the level of mediation effectiveness in international conflicts, when it is not clear which are the conflicting sides; it shows that when there is an influential country, considering its capabilities, it has enough power to act as effective mediator, only in case if it does not have direct interest in the conflict.We have concluded that mediation can be effective only when it is clear which the conflicting sides are. It is considered that international organizations cannot be effective in conflict resolution when a conflict is in cold phase. ; The presented article is aimed at reflecting usage of mediation as a form of international conflicts settlement and at revealing its factors, at the example of the case of conflict in Abkhazia, Georgia. The article is a hypothesis on to what extend international or regional organizations act as effective mediators during mediation process. Attempt of conflict regulation and work of the mediation platform created after Russian-Georgian war are discussed.The theory discussing main variables for evaluating international mediation represented in mediation literature have been used for evaluating mediation factors. The article shows the level of mediation effectiveness in international conflicts, when it is not clear which are the conflicting sides; it shows that when there is an influential country, considering its capabilities, it has enough power to act as effective mediator, only in case if it does not have direct interest in the conflict.We have concluded that mediation can be effective only when it is clear which the conflicting sides are. It is considered that international organizations cannot be effective in conflict resolution when a conflict is in cold phase.

Adjusting the legal status, and support policies for migrant workers is an issue on the agenda of international institutions for nearly a hundred years. The first efforts to protect foreign workers have been taken during the first session of the International Labour Conference in 1919. In the following decades ILO activities has led to the preparation of three international documents concerning this issue (non-binding ILO Convention No. 66 in 1939, and Convention No. 97 of 1949, and No. 143 of 1975). For many decades, the problem of the protection and assistance of migrant workers' rights was considered as a narrow issue of international labor law. Codification efforts, undertaken during seventies, has led to the adaptation of the UN document (International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of Their Families) in 1990, and inclusion this issue into more general area of international human rights law. Despite this fact, and the existence of several categories of documents concerning migrant workers within Council of Europe, the European Union, and even ASEAN, the protection of migrant workers has never been effectively functioning system. The aim of this article is the analysis of the codification of that issue, and the main obstacles to consensus on the protection of migrant workers' rights. The state parties of the UN Convention contains primarily countries of origin of migrants (such as Mexico, Morocco and the Philippines). It seems, therefore, that despite 46 ratifications the, UN convention does not have a global character, and activities of its monitoring body (Committee on Migrant Workers-CMW) reflects primarily demands of sending countries. The article closely examines particularly controversial provisions of the ILO and UN documents from the point of view of current labour migrations and policies of sending and host countries.

Artykuł wpisuje się w nurt badań dotyczących suwerenności państw w międzynarodowych organizacjach integracyjnych, w których uczestnictwo wiąże się z największymi ograniczeniami w zakresie kompetencji i autonomii państw, w porównaniu z udziałem w innego typu organizacjach. Zostaje wyjaśnione pojęcie suwerenności, zwracając uwagę na jej wymiar prawny i polityczny, jak również międzynarodowej organizacji integracyjnej, która występuje tylko w grupie organizacji regionalnych. Artykuł zawiera analizę zróżnicowanego, z punktu widzenia suwerenności, usytuowania państw w organizacjach integracyjnych, w których stosowane są nowego typu rozwiązania instytucjonalne, w tym ponadnarodowe. Badania odnotowują znaczące zróżnicowanie rozwiązań instytucjonalnych, pokazujące, że modele zastosowane w Europie nie znajdują uniwersalnego zastosowania. Widoczne jest odmienne podejście do suwerenności w procesach integracyjnych i organizacjach międzynarodowych na Zachodzie oraz wśród państw rozwijających się, które większą wagę przywiązują do ochrony i zabezpieczenia suwerenności w ramach organizacji. ; This article is one of many, which deal with research on state sovereignty in international integration organizations, where participation implies more limited autonomy and competition than in organizations of other types. The notion of sovereignty is being explained, pointing at its legal and political dimention, as well as of international integration organizations, which belong to a group of regional organizations only. This paper concerns the analysis of differentiated placement of states from sosvereignty point of view in the integration organizations, where new instruments have been implemented, including transnational ones. The research shows a considerable differentiation of institutional frameworks, meaning that their models introduced in Europe have no universal character. One can see different attitude towards the sovereignty notion in integration processes and in international organizations in the West as well as in developing countries, which focus mostly on sovereignty protection within the organization itself.

Artykuł wpisuje się w nurt badań dotyczących suwerenności państw w międzynarodowych organizacjach integracyjnych, w których uczestnictwo wiąże się z największymi ograniczeniami w zakresie kompetencji i autonomii państw, w porównaniu z udziałem w innego typu organizacjach. Zostaje wyjaśnione pojęcie suwerenności, zwracając uwagę na jej wymiar prawny i polityczny, jak również międzynarodowej organizacji integracyjnej, która występuje tylko w grupie organizacji regionalnych. Artykuł zawiera analizę zróżnicowanego, z punktu widzenia suwerenności, usytuowania państw w organizacjach integracyjnych, w których stosowane są nowego typu rozwiązania instytucjonalne, w tym ponadnarodowe. Badania odnotowują znaczące zróżnicowanie rozwiązań instytucjonalnych, pokazujące, że modele zastosowane w Europie nie znajdują uniwersalnego zastosowania. Widoczne jest odmienne podejście do suwerenności w procesach integracyjnych i organizacjach międzynarodowych na Zachodzie oraz wśród państw rozwijających się, które większą wagę przywiązują do ochrony i zabezpieczenia suwerenności w ramach organizacji. ; This article is one of many, which deal with research on state sovereignty in international integration organizations, where participation implies more limited autonomy and competition than in organizations of other types. The notion of sovereignty is being explained, pointing at its legal and political dimention, as well as of international integration organizations, which belong to a group of regional organizations only. This paper concerns the analysis of differentiated placement of states from sosvereignty point of view in the integration organizations, where new instruments have been implemented, including transnational ones. The research shows a considerable differentiation of institutional frameworks, meaning that their models introduced in Europe have no universal character. One can see different attitude towards the sovereignty notion in integration processes and in international organizations in the West as well as in developing countries, which focus mostly on sovereignty protection within the organization itself.