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Résumé Cet article compare l'extension et l'évolution de l'identité gauche-droite des citoyens des nouvelles démocraties de l'Europe du sud avec celle des citoyens de huit autres régimes démocraties européens de 1976 à 2004. Prenant en compte l'héritage autoritaire de l'Europe du sud, les conditions pour l'émergence des identités droite-gauche se trouvent réduites. Notre intention est donc d'évaluer d'abord si l'auto identification gauche-droite est moins répandue dans les populations Grecque, Portugaise, et Espagnoles que dans d'autres pays européens, et en suite de vérifier si ces pays présentent des tendances contraires à celles des démocraties plus anciennes. Les deux dernières sections de cet article examinent l'impact de la socialisation dans un environnement démocratique sur la formation des identités gauche-droite, utilisant successivement une analyse quantitative multi-nivaux et une analyse par génération. Ces tests empiriques mènent à une confirmation systématique du rôle de la socialisation dans un environnement démocratique pour l'émergence d'une identité politique sur l'axe droite-gauche.

This article is based on three hypotheses. First, the legal requirements for
establishing political parties in Romania are among the most restrictive in Europe.
Second, electoral participation decreased globaly during the last two decades;
however, when a party succeeded in registering and endorsed a non-ideological
position, the electoral participation slightly increased; so, if the legal requirements
will be relaxed, new parties might emerge and a greater participation to the
elections might be taken into consideration. Third, the current legal procedure
for registering political parties contradicts the constitutional provisions on the
freedom of association and the right to be elected. In the light of this findings, the
article suggest a revision of the current legislation.

I present an analysis of the electorate of the left in Romania in the last 25 years (1990-2014), both longitudinal and comparative. The analysis reveals an electorate that has hardly changed since the early 1990's - it continues to be predominantly poor, old, and rural, with little education, much like the electorate of parties such as the Russian Communist Party or the Hungarian Fidesz. I argue that this profile, and its lack of evolution, is largely a product of the left's (FSN, FSDN, PDSR and PSD) lack of genuine commitment to the institutions and principles of liberal democracy.

Résumé Cet article analyse l'émergence d'un parti post-matérialiste au Portugal, en considérant l'évolution et le succès du Bloc de gauche (BE) depuis 1999. Selon la théorie postmatérialiste et structurelle, ce pays ne présente pas des conditions socio-économiques et institutionnelles favorables pour l'affirmation des parties de la «nouvelle politique». Toutefois, le BE a réussi à améliorer sa performance électorale et influencer le débat et l'implémentation des politiques post-matérialistes. Cet article montre que ce succès est dû principalement a deux éléments: le rôle institutionnel que le parti a joué dans les premières années et l'importance du leader qui représente une ressource fondamentale pour l'adaptation stratégique et la performance électorale du parti. Ces facteurs constituent une différence significative par rapport à les partis post-matérialistes dans les démocraties anciennes.

Historians have often explained the absence of a broad right wing party in early twentieth century France as the result of its failure to confront the challenges of 'modernity'. Similarly, they have interpreted the many attempts to re-organise it as failed attempts to modernise it. Rather than use an ahistorical concept of modernity, this article focuses on the multiple and contested meanings of modernity that the right-wing groups used in struggles among themselves and against the left. It shows that right-wing politicians belonging to different tendencies drew upon similar ideas, notably crowd psychology, updated with the latest management and work science and the techniques of modern advertising, but put them to very different uses. The article uses three case studies: the Centre de propagande des republicains nationaux, the Alliance democratique, and the Croix de feu and Parti social frandais. It shows that the Alliance, usually dismissed as an anachronistic party of 'notables', made the most effective use of the methods in question. Adapted from the source document.

Examines reasons for the emergence of the split between parties of the Right and Left in France since 1902; view that preponderance of the center has been more significant than confrontation between the two political wings. Summary in English.

Yuri Felshtinsky, Lenin, Trotsky, Stalin and the Left Opposition in the USSR, 1918-1928.
The year 1928 can be considered a major line of demarcation in Soviet history. Internally the country terminated the brief existence of NEP, and the forced collectivization of peasant agriculture was begun. In foreign policy the stormy expansionists decade of 1918-1927 ended with the unsuccessful revolution in China and was replaced by the relatively peaceful period of 1928-1937. In party politics the so-called "Left Opposition" was liquidated in 1928 as a legitimate political force; their physical destruction would come somewhat later. And with Trotsky's expulsion from the USSR in January 1929, the Left Opposition disappeared from the Soviet Union forever.
In this article an attempt is made to analyze the sources of the Left Opposition in the Bolshevik Party and the reasons for its defeat, as well as the roles played by three Bolshevik leaders, Lenin, Trotsky and Stalin, in the ideological struggle within the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in the first years of Soviet power. The article is based largely on materials from Trotsky's Archives preserved by the Houghton Library at Harvard University, portions of which have been published by the author in recent years.

Summary in English p. 1161-4.

Summary in English p. 1141.

Summary in English. The municipal elections of 1971, 1977, and 1983, and role of political parties of the Left and Right.