Cover -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- 1 Introduction -- 2 The "Meaning" of Left and Right -- 3 Ideology, Dimensionality, and Asymmetry -- 4 The Structure and Content of Left / Right Differences -- 5 Left / Right Positions and Polarization -- 6 Left / Right Persistence and Evolution -- 7 Citizens' Left / Right Orientations -- 8 The Rise of Left / Right in Canadian Politics -- 9 Conclusion -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Index
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"The words "left" and "right" often signal a political divide in debates about abortion, homosexuality, capital punishment, gun control, law and order, social welfare, public transportation, taxation, immigration, and the environment, among other issues. Despite claims that this phenomenon is in decline, its persistence suggests that it is inherent to our society. At the same time, variations in the understanding of each side indicate that these labels do not fully capture the reality of ideological disagreement. In Left and Right Christopher Cochrane traces the origins of this political language to the very nature of ideology. What is ideology, what does it look like, and how does it manifest itself in patterns of political disagreement in Western democracies? Drawing on five decades of evidence from political scientists, including public opinion surveys, elite surveys, and content analysis of political party election platforms, Cochrane employs a new method to analyze the structure and evolution of the left/right divide in twenty-one Western countries since 1945. He then delves into the central argument of the book--that the language of left and right describes a meaningful, perceptible, and quantifiable pattern of political disagreement that has persisted over time and around the world. Calling for an adjustment to the way we view Canadian politics, Left and Right opens a window into the world of political ideologies--a world we see every day, but rarely analyze, define, or agree on."--
Research recently published in Political Psychology suggested that political intolerance is more strongly predicted by political conservatism than liberalism. Our findings challenge that conclusion. Participants provided intolerance judgments of several targets and the political objective of these targets (left-wing vs. right-wing) was varied between subjects. Across seven judgments, conservatism predicted intolerance of left-wing targets, while liberalism predicted intolerance of right-wing targets. These relationships were fully mediated by perceived threat from targets. Moreover, participants were biased against directly opposing political targets: conservatives were more intolerant of a left-wing target than the opposing right-wing target (e.g., pro-gay vs. anti-gay rights activists), while liberals were more intolerant of a right-wing target than the opposing left-wing target. These findings are discussed within the context of the existing political intolerance and motivated reasoning literatures. Adapted from the source document.
Left-Wing Extremism and Human Rights unfolds a mosaic of social issues, especially of the weaker and marginalized section, closely intertwined with internal security. Based on an empirical study of the Left-Wing Extremism (LWE) movement in Andhra Pradesh, once the citadel of LWE, it offers a deep analysis of the growth and consolidation of LWE in India. It also studies the profiles and roles of NGOs in promoting rights for which specific case studies have been undertaken. As LWE and counter-extremist operations have become the major sources of serious human-rights violations in the country, th
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Media and Left; Copyright; Contents; Foreword; List of Tables and Figures; List of Contributors; Introduction; 1 The Spectre of Marx; 2 Culture, Communication, & Ideology = Forms of Work; 3 Media Power and Class Power: Overplaying Ideology; 4 The Cultural Apparatus of Monopoly Capital: An Introduction; 5 The War Against Democracy in the UK; 6 Infamy and Indoctrination in American Media and Politics; 7 U.S. Media and the World; 8 The Evolving Business Models of Network News?; 9 Corporate Social (Ir)Responsibility in Media and Communication Industries
Cover -- Contents -- Foreword -- Introduction -- The need for a new foundation -- What is essential to the left? -- 1 Politics and Darwinism -- The right-wing takeover -- Facts and values -- How the left got Darwin wrong -- The dream of perfectibility -- Old tunes keep coming back -- 2 Can the Left Accept a Darwinian View of Human Nature? -- Unpopular ideas -- What is fixed and what is variable in human nature? -- How can reformers leam from Darwin? -- 3 Competition or Cooperation? -- Building a more cooperative society -- The prisoner's dilemma -- Learning from Tit for Tat -- 4 From Cooperation to Altruism? -- The puzzle of the evolution of altruism -- Status for what? -- 5 A Darwinian Left for Today and Beyond -- Notes and References.
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"This title aims to both point out the unhealthy chasm of polarization in the nation and also describe with empathy why people of good will can hold such divergent beliefs and values while still ascribing to the motto on our currency: "e pluribus unum/from many one." It describes and appreciates the dearly held values of the left and the right, liberals and conservatives, and help each side realize that the progress of the nation toward "a more perfect union" only happens when we tack to the center"--
The origins and immediate vitality of the left/right divide which emerged in French revolutionary politics from 1789 can only be understood against the background of a much older classification dynamic based on the primacy of the right hand, first described by Robert Hertz in 1909. This dynamic infused political thinking first in Versailles and since 1815 in democracies throughout the world. In the process, the classical left/right polarity acquired a new dimension: the complementary notions of 'accepting' and 'questioning' the existing social order. An essential feature of both the age-old classical polarity and the ensuing political polarity is that they are intimately bound up with local and evolving social contexts: there is no single content-based definition of left and right. As long as the majority of us are predisposed to use our right hand when acting in the world, 'left versus right' will remain the most important political antithesis in western-type democracies.
The origins and immediate vitality of the left/right divide which emerged in French revolutionary politics from 1789 can only be understood against the background of a much older classification dynamic based on the primacy of the right hand, first described by Robert Hertz in 1909. This dynamic infused political thinking first in Versailles and since 1815 in democracies throughout the world. In the process, the classical left/right polarity acquired a new dimension: the complementary notions of 'accepting' and 'questioning' the existing social order. An essential feature of both the age-old classical polarity and the ensuing political polarity is that they are intimately bound up with local and evolving social contexts: there is no single content-based definition of left and right. As long as the majority of us are predisposed to use our right hand when acting in the world, 'left versus right' will remain the most important political antithesis in western-type democracies. ; peerReviewed ; publishedVersion
"Many of America's political debates stem from media-constructed opposition between the religious right and secular left. However, the contentious dialogue between two seemingly-contrasting camps is based upon assumptions and stereotypes, rather than facts: the Christian right misrepresents the left as a movement inspired by moral relativism, while the left erroneously frames the Christian right as theocratically-driven. Beyond Religious Right and Secular Left Rhetoric uncovers the actual differences between these groups, examining how both movements have similar conceptual histories. By stressing their oft-ignored similarities (promotion of religious freedom, freedom of conscience, and separation of church and state), the book seeks to better inform partisans and the public at-large in order to move the debate beyond assumptions"--
How should pro-democratic forces safeguard representative government from anti-democratic forces? By granting rights of participation to groups that do not share democratic values, democracies may endanger the very rights they have grnated; but denying these rights may also undermine democratic values. Kirshner offers a set of principles for determining when one may reasonably refuse of participation, and he defends this theory through real-world examples, ranging from the far-right British Nationalist Party to Turkey's Islamist Welfare Party to America's Democratic Party during Reconstruction
