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The most widely-held and well-supported theories of electoral choice today relate such choice to group membership, socializing, so to speak, the vote decision. In this process the personality of the individual voter has tended to be overlooked or its influence minimized. In focussing in this discussion upon the relationship of authoritarianism to electoral choice, therefore, we hope not only to contribute to our knowledge of a particular personality pattern in a political context but also, more generally, to restore the individual, as contrasted to the group, to an important place in a theory of the electoral process.In an electoral situation, as in any other situation, personality factors play a double role: (1) they affect the perceptions of the individual, screening out some stimuli, distorting others, and admitting others intact; and (2) they shape the responses of a person, selecting among the various possible responses those which are most serviceable to basic personality needs. Every personality develops certain attitudes to assist in this process of selecting among the possible responses. For example, interest in the election, sense of duty, sense of political efficacy, or sense of social integration with the community might form the nucleus of the attitudes bearing on the decision whether or not to vote. Identification with a political party, position on current political issues, candidate preference, anticipation of economic or political advantage, prestige considerations, or identification with a partisan social group might affect the vote itself.

The M. H. Ross Papers contain information pertaining to labor, politics, social issues of the twentieth century, coal mining and its resulting lifestyle, as well as photographs and audio materials. The collection is made up of five different accessions; L2001-05, which is contained in boxes one through 104, L2002-09 in boxes 106 through 120, L2006-16 in boxes 105 and 120, L2001-01 in boxes 120-121, and L2012-20 in boxes 122-125. The campaign materials consist of items from the 1940 and 1948 political campaigns in which Ross participated. These items include campaign cards, posters, speech transcripts, news clippings, rally materials, letters to voters, and fliers. Organizing and arbitration materials covers labor organizing events from "Operation Dixie" in Georgia, the furniture workers in North Carolina, and the Mine-Mill workers in the Western United States. Organizing materials include fliers, correspondence, news articles, radio transcripts, and some related photos. Arbitration files consist of agreements, decisions, and agreement booklets. The social and political research files cover a wide time period (1930's to the late 1970's/early 1980's). The topics include mainly the Ku Klux Klan, racism, Communism, Red Scare, red baiting, United States history, and literature. These files consist mostly of news and journal articles. Ross interacted with coal miners while doing work for the United Mine Workers Association (UMWA) and while working at the Fairmont Clinic in West Virginia. Included in these related files are books, news articles, journals, UMWA reports, and coal miner oral histories conducted by Ross. Tying in to all of the activities Ross participated in during his life were his research and manuscript files. He wrote numerous newspaper and journal articles on history and labor. Later, as he worked for the UMWA and at the Fairmont Clinic, he wrote more in-depth articles about coal miners, their lifestyle, and medical problems they faced (while the Southern Labor Archives has many of Ross's coal mining and lifestyle articles, it does not have any of his medical articles). Along with these articles are the research files Ross collected to write them, which consist of notes, books, and newspaper and journal articles. In additional to his professional career, Ross was adamant about documenting his and his wife's family history in the oral history format. Of particular interest are the recordings of his interviews with his wife's family - they were workers, musicians, and singers of labor and folk songs. Finally, in this collection are a number of photographs and slides, which include images of organizing, coal mining (from the late 19th through 20th centuries), and Appalachia. Of note is a small photo album from the 1930s which contains images from the Summer School for Workers, and more labor organizing. A few audio items are available as well, such as Ross political speeches and an oral history in which Ross was interviewed by his daughter, Jane Ross Davis in 1986. All photographic and audio-visual materials are at the end of their respective series. ; Myron Howard "Mike" Ross was born November 9, 1919 in New York City. He dropped out of school when he was seventeen and moved to Texas, where he worked on a farm. From 1936 until 1939, Ross worked in a bakery in North Carolina. In the summer of 1938, he attended the Southern School for Workers in Asheville, North Carolina. During the fall of 1938, Ross would attend the first Southern Conference on Human Welfare in Birmingham, Alabama. He would attend this conference again in 1940 in Chattanooga, Tennessee. From 1939 to 1940, Ross worked for the United Mine Workers Non-Partisan League in North Carolina, working under John L. Lewis. He was hired as a union organizer by the United Mine Workers of America, and sent to Saltville, Virginia and Rockwood, Tennessee. In 1940, Ross ran for a seat on city council on the People's Platform in Charlotte, North Carolina. During this time, he also married Anne "Buddie" West of Kennesaw, Georgia. From 1941 until 1945, Ross served as an infantryman for the United States Army. He sustained injuries near the Battle of the Bulge in the winter of 1944. From 1945 until 1949, Ross worked for the International Union of Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers, then part of the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO), as a union organizer. He was sent to Macon, Georgia, Savannah, Georgia and to Winston-Salem, North Carolina, where he worked with the United Furniture Workers Union. He began handling arbitration for the unions. In 1948, Ross ran for United States Congress on the Progressive Party ticket in North Carolina. He also served as the secretary for the North Carolina Progressive Party. Ross attended the University of North Carolina law school from 1949 to 1952. He graduated with honors but was denied the bar on the grounds of "character." From 1952 until 1955, he worked for the Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers as a union organizer, first in New Mexico (potash mines) and then in Arizona (copper mines). From 1955 to 1957, Ross attended the Columbia University School of Public Health. He worked for the United Mine Workers of America Welfare and Retirement Fund from 1957 to 1958, where he represented the union in expenditure of health care for mining workers. By 1958, Ross began plans for what would become the Fairmont Clinic, a prepaid group practice in Fairmont, West Virginia, which had the mission of providing high quality medical care for miners and their families. From 1958 until 1978, Ross served as administrator of the Fairmont Clinic. As a result of this work, Ross began researching coal mining, especially coal mining lifestyle, heritage and history of coal mining and disasters. He would interview over one hundred miners (coal miners). Eventually, Ross began writing a manuscript about the history of coal mining. Working for the Rural Practice Program of the University of North Carolina from 1980 until 1987, Ross taught in the medical school. M. H. Ross died on January 31, 1987 in Chapel Hill, North Carolina. ; Digitization of the M. H. Ross Papers was funded by the National Historical Publications and Records Commission.

A study on how TV became part of social matrix in which individual personality exists, & oriented toward the general action theory of personality. It is further considered that TV may be a social factor responsible for a changing contemporary personality. TV viewing will become an;integral part of the soc milieu within which the personality grows & develops. A representative sample of 73 TV & 75 non-TV families were selected at random from 37 of 42 highly industrialized & commercialized Wichita, Kan, census tracts,- Each TV family had a matched non-TV one in the same block. Looking at personality as a system of action the questionaire was designed to elicit responses that could be categorized into sf areas of the 3 established systems of action. Results showed: in regard to sleeping habits there was no signif statist diff between groups. As to eating routine, no signif diff (at p=.01). Soc activities reflected an overall indication that the non-TV families reported visiting friends more frequently, while TV families reported having friends visit them more frequently (signif at p=.01). As to expressive behavior, there was about an equal split between non-creative & creative hobby activity for TV R's, but time spent on creative activities was more than 2x the amount spent on non-creative hobbies for non-TV R's (signif at p-.02). As for role expectation, mothers determined program in non-TV while child did in TV families. TV appears as a source of conflict & frustration arising from disagreements over program selection but disagreements tend to lead to mutual submission to each other (no signif diff's). Soc worth revealed that TV viewing becomes an. expected form of soc intercourse as well as a symbol of soc worth. As for value orientation, a majority of TV R's placed a + value on TV, while a majority of non-TV families reacted negatively to its worth. (statist'ly signif). In this category results seemed to indicate a feeling of guilt in both ownership & non-ownership of TV receivers. Religious activities were probed to test concern with cognitive symbols & results showed a slight trend for more TV R's to engage in church activities more than once a week than for non-TV ones (not statist'ly signff). Expressive symbols were examined by program choices made by each group & showed TV families to like identification programs (fantasy & reality types signif'ly diff); but there was no signif diff in expression of liking for 'fantasy-passive' type of programs (mystery, cowboy, & children's programs. 27% of TV families chose the `aesthetic' type of program--music, heavy drama,& better variety shows; 64% non-TV families liked these. 25% non-TV families liked educ'al programs (news, formal educ, & general information) while 13% of TV R's made such choices. For religious programs, no signif diff appeared. H. H. Smythe.

Using Parsons' scheme (cognitive = information; cathetctic = motivation; evaluative = evaluation), and the I-R method (an intra-individual construct is postulated which is assumed to influence the attitude, and that both vary together), attitudes towards participation in Civil Defense are analyzed. Ss were selected by probability sampling from 12 major US metropolitan areas. Indicators of participation used 3 questionnaire, motivation 7 questionnaire, infomation 5 questionnaire, and Evaluation 3 questionnaire (all listed). Results of analysis were in the predicted direction with a large proportion of the variance unaccounted for. Information is significant in the willingness to take an active civil defense job. The more information the greater the willingness throughout all levels of motivation. Motivation has no consistent but slight effect. Regardless of the level of motivation or information, low evaluation of civil defense program has an adverse effect on previous consideration of volunteering. L. P. Chall.

The merger of two distinctive sociological movements in penology, the prediction of personal adjustment and the study of informal inmate relations, promises theoretical and practical advances. More work is needed, however, in the study of informal inmate relations. The prisoner status system and interaction and socialization in inmate society are related to 4 value patterns: (1) conventionalized modes of adjustment; (2) conventionalized personal tfait assessments; (3) assessments of institutional offices; and (4) immediate interpersonal amity-aversion judgments. The guide theory proposed suggests that interpersonal choice among inmates (and employees) is defined in terms of these 4 types of value, but is also controlled in part by arbitrary institutional placements. In-groups are far from stable. Crisis experience is a major determinant of value reorientation and group realignments. Although there are many parallels in employee and inmate social systems there are also fundamental contrasts, particularly differences in characteristic tensions and anxieties. The initial obligation is to identify the common value criteria of the two systems. Similar status-types in the two systems are discussed. Although similar in many respects, the inmate and employee social systems tend to assume polar positions in the prison social structure where conflict is general and acute. Where this condition does not prevail, discriminations are made in differentiating among members of the out-group. Sociogroup identification tends to be more characteristic of employees and psychegroup identifications tends to be more characteristic of inmates. A distinction between traditional custodial and more comprehensive correctional systems may be that the latter tend to institutionalize sociogroups embracing both inmates and employees. If status types and relationships can be reliably identified, a juncture with the prediction movement may be affected through contributions -- ,o predictive devices, particularly the inclusion of 'social type' as an attribute to these scales. E. Scott.