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This article describes a study of the workers in two heavy engineering plants, in the Glasgow area, one belonging to a British company of a traditional type, the other to an American company. A comparison was made of the perceptions and expectations that the workforces held of their respective managements and the attitudes they held towards them.

There are a number of important differences in the labour relations practices of American‐owned and indigenous firms operating in the UK. Such differences are due mainly to the introduction of home‐country practices by a considerable number of American‐owned firms. This was particularly evident in the areas of union recognition, employer association membership, management organisation for industrial relations purposes, wage payment systems and the level of wages and employee benefits.

The present article takes the widely publicized Guidelines for Nonsexist Use of Language, and, staying scrupulously (or even unscrupulously) close to the wording of the original, indicates its relevance for the pervasive but largely unmentioned cultural bias in American psychology.
Basically, the only changes required to the original text were the words "ethnic/cultural" in place of "sex", and the omission of a couple of "untranslatable" examples of sex bias. The purpose of this "fairy tale" is to raise the consciousness
- primarily of American psychologists - regarding the constricted nature of their enterprise for a science of humankind.

Data on the Michill Adjective Rating Scale (MARS) were collected from 413 persons in the United States and 353 persons in Pakistan. The Americans were given the English version and the Pakistanis, the Urdu version of the MARS on which each person rated self and several significant others.
The Pearson rs among the 48 MARS items were computed separately for the ratings of self, father, mother, worst teacher, and Mao Tsetung for subjects classified into 10 groups on the basis of their culture, sex, and educational level. The r matrices were analyzed to extract four factors for
each of the 10 groups and for each of the five types of ratings by means of the principal axis method. Tucker's coefficients of congruence were computed for each of the 10 groups and for each of the five ratings. Comparison of the coefficients of congruence for the various pairings indicated
a reasonable degree of generality in most cases.

This paper describes the results of surveys which provide information on the relative status, qualifications, knowledge, practices and needs of production/operations managers within the UK. The qualifications and ambitions of production managers are shown to be lower than managers in other functions. A disturbing finding is the level of knowledge of established operations management techniques and concepts. Moreover, those who do have knowledge make low utilisation of it. Comparison of American and British‐owned companies indicates that production managers in the former make greater use of good management techniques. There is demonstrated a need for active career development to enable well qualified and ambitious recruits to enter the profession and progress to senior management positions.

This paper won second place in the first annual Arthur Elfenbaum Essay Contest, sponsored by the American Society for Geriatric Dentistry.

This paper won first place in the first annual Arthur Elfenbaum Essay Contest, sponsored by the American Society for Geriatric Dentistry.

Book Review in this ArticleE. Owen Smith, ed., Trade Unions in the Developed EconomiesNorman Walzer and Glenn W. Fisher, Cities, Suburbs, and Property TuxesStephen Steinberg, The Ethnic Myth: Race, Ethnicity, and Class in AmericaW. Patrick Beaton, John H. Weyland, and Nancy C. Newman, Energy Forecasting for Planners: Transportation ModelsRobert Emil Botsch, We Shall Not Overcome: Populism and Southern Blue‐Collar WorkersRichard C. Carlson, Willis W. Harman, and Peter Schwartz, Energy Futures, Human Values, and Lifestyles: A New Look at the Energy CrisisK. J. Button, A. D. Pearman, and A. S. Fowkes, Car Ownership Modelling and ForecastingFred C. Shapiro, Radwaste: A Reporter's Investigation of a Growing Nuclear MenaceDonald Appleyard, Livable Streets

Seventy-three years ago pioneer American medievalist Dana Carlton Munro (1911: 504) delivered a paper in Philadelphia to the American Philosophical Society entitled "The Cost of Living in the Twelfth Century." He threw down the gauntlet by concluding that
in this paper an attempt has been made to set forth only a few of the facts, merely to indicate the nature and importance of the problem. Every one of the subjects here discussed is susceptible of elaboration, and needs to be worked out in detail for each country of Western Europe and each period in the twelfth century. The material is voluminous…. This field, as a whole, offers a good opportunity for many monographs, and such work is essential before we can understand the economic history of the century which was most important in the advance of western Europe.This article takes up this challenge with new material on the cost of living in Italy in the twelfth century.

Two different theoretical frameworks, the interorganizational and the intraclass, guide empirical research on the origin and function of corporate interlocks. Conclusions from this research often have been used as the basis for more general claims about the structure of power in the American economy. To a great extent, these claims are based on the implicit assumption that a majority of interlocks facilitate one type of interfirm relationship—formal coordination.This article presents evidence about the continuity of interlocks which have been disrupted accidentally by such events as death and retirement. What happens after an interlock is broken reveals something of the extent and manner in which different types of interlock ties facilitate formal coordination. This in turn provides the basis for assessing the applicability of the interorganizational and intraclass approaches to the phenomenon of interlocking.

This article focuses on the importance of employment and educational roles for children in understanding major aspects of the American fertility transition of the late 1800s. It views the declining economic contribution of children to family income and the increased short-run costs of children from schooling as important factors in explaining variations in marital fertility among parts of the United States, and also for understanding the general downward trend of fertility in the late 1800s.Data on children ever born from the 1910 census are used to analyze variations across states in childbearing among two cohorts of married white women. One cohort (those 70-74 years of age in 1910) did most of their childbearing in the period after the Civil War; while the younger cohort (40-44 in 1910) re-produced mainly in the period just before the turn of the century. Relationships between reproductive behavior of individual mothers and their own children's roles will also be investigated through a sample of the 1900 manuscript census, based on a 1 in 750 household sample of the 1900 manuscript census (Graham, 1980). Special attention will be devoted to urban-rural variation in the effect of children's activities on fertility.

The central interest of this article is to describe the interrelationship of fertility patterns with occupational structure for a sample of married couples in one maritime community—Nantucket, Massachusetts—over a period of nearly 200 years. Marital fertility declined substantially in Nantucket from its first white settlement in 1660 to 1850. During this time the whaling industry was undergoing intervals of expansion, prosperity, virtual destruction, and renewal, eventually failing to recover from a long decline that began in the 1840s. An explanation of the observed Falls in fertility is not possible without reference to trends in the whaling industry, as this article attempts to demonstrate.A sustained decline in American fertility rates from at least 1800 and perhaps earlier has been documented (Coale and Zelnik, 1963; Easterlin, 1971, 1976a, 1976b; Forster and Tucker, 1972; Vinovskis, 1976; Yasuba, 1962). Causes of the decline may include the changing availability of farmland, urbanization and industrialization, literacy, and such demographic factors as a decline in mortality, changes in the sex ratio at marriageable ages, and ethnic composition. A number of researchers have even suggested that Falls in family size were at least partly due to deliberate attempts by individual couples not to exceed their desired number of children (Kantrow, 1980; Osterud and Fulton, 1976; Temkin-Greener and Swedlund, 1978; Wells, 1971). For Nantucket in particular, Byers (1982) also presented evidence for a substantial fertility decline from 1680 to 1840, claiming that his findings "demonstrate community-wide acceptance of voluntary fertility control." The present study, in contrast, found no evidence of deliberate fertility control in Nantucket.