Search results

Since the Franco regime came to an end in 1978, the main political and social forces in Catalonia have pursued a model of intercultural relations that aims to protect Catalan cultural identity and at the same time to incorporate the various different waves of migrants who came to Catalonia from other regions of Spain during the course of the 20th century and who now represent close to 40% of the population. Moreover, during the negotiations for the new Spanish constitution in 1978, these political forces in Catalonia accepted a new political relationship with Spain with the constitution of the Catalan autonomous region. During the course of the past 15 years, two major factors have become increasingly apparent. First, there has been a further wave of migration from other countries and continents, in particular from Muslim countries (13.6% in 2016 compared with 2.9% in 2000). Second, the place of Catalonia within Spain has been called into question for a number of different political, economic, social, and cultural reasons. In 2017, a considerable number of Catalans, close to 50%, mobilized to demand the independence of their country and attempted to proclaim and constitute the "Republic of Catalonia," thus breaking the constitutional law in force throughout Spain. This breach of the law brought about a response from the Spanish security forces and justice system, which resulted in the suspension of the Catalan autonomous government and the calling of elections. The object of this study is to analyze the impact of the recent migrations and the current political situation on the model of intercultural relations that has governed Catalan cultural identity in recent times. The principal objectives of the model have been to ensure the civil unity of Catalonia, to safeguard Catalan language and culture, and to promote respect for cultures of citizens from other regions of Spain, all within a context of mutual dialogue and exchange. The thesis of this article is that this model, which pursues integration and unity, is in danger of breaking down as a result of the new phenomena.

Since 2009, the countries that form the southern part of the European Union (EU) have been experiencing a grave economic, political, and social crisis that has had repercussions throughout the whole of the EU and has especially called into question its fragile system of governance. It has also resulted in Chancellor Angela Merkel imposing upon the rest of the EU her neoliberal political policies as the remedy to the crisis. Germany's power at the center of the EU has created tensions between the north and the south of Europe and has revealed the precariousness and the inefficiencies of the institutions of government of the European Community. In the American presidential election, the crisis in southern Europe was brought up by the Republican candidate in order to try to show that the economic policies of President Obama would lead the United States down the same road as Greece, Italy, or Spain. At no point was there any analysis of the gravity of this crisis or of its impact on the future of the EU. For the southern countries of the EU, the economic policies of President Obama are what they hoped for. His victory was greeted with relief. A strong, stable, and integrated EU is in the interests of the United States. The alliance between the United States and the EU is more and more important in a multipolar and global world.

This article analyzes growth strategies in the context of digital transformation in all political, social, and economic scopes that were accelerated by the pandemic. The article also focuses on the specific case of digital native brands which have emerged in a disruptive way. The study was carried out by using electronic surveys from April 2020 to November 2021 of 50 professionals in leading technology companies and startups. The study takes into account the results obtained in research carried out during the last 8 years by combining both the methods of in-depth interviews and documentary analysis in tracking the strategies of technology companies. The results show that growth strategies in digital economy are focused on decision making based on data combined with creative actions such as digital content, influencer marketing, media, events, and newsjacking. This growth strategy is applicable to all areas, especially politics.

Since 2012, Catalonia has been undergoing a complex political process in which a broad segment of the population has shown itself to be in favor of seceding from the Kingdom of Spain. This phenomenon is not new, given that during the 20th century, the relationship between the two territories was a source of instability and controversy, especially during the Civil War (1936-1939). However, the enormous popular dimension and the massive participation of hundreds of thousands of citizens have represented a remarkable new occurrence in recent times. Based on this situation, the primary aim of the present article is to describe the main reasons for this radicalization in the process of a hypothetical secession in which Catalonia breaks away from Spain. It also seeks to analyze and interpret the role that the media is playing in the so-called "Catalan Process." Achieving this second objective has been possible thanks to research undertaken by Blanquerna School of Communication and International Relations (Ramon Llull University) based on more than 7,000 journalistic pieces published or broadcasted in more than 100 newspapers, magazines, television stations, radio stations, and cybernewspapers in seven different languages. The most significant conclusion of this study, based on content analysis of the aforementioned sample, is that the media are not being neutral in their coverage of the process. Thus, they have identified to varying degrees with one of the three possible outcomes of the conflict: the maintenance of the unity of Spain, the preferred option of much of national and international media; the independence of Catalonia, the choice of a high percentage of media in Catalonia itself; or a new relationship based on a federal system in Spain that would include Catalonia, the possibility with the least level of support in the three geographical areas studied.

This book focuses on regulatory challenges of creating and sustaining freedom of speech and freedom of information two decades after the fall of the Berlin wall, in global, comparative context. Some chapters overview, others address specific issues, or describe country case studies. Instead of trying to provide an exhaustive assessment which in one volume might not reach deeper analyzes of contextual details, this book will shed light on and help better understanding of general challenges for freedom of speech and information through varying comparative examples and highlighting important regulatory questions