The aim of this paper is a comparative analysis of the new methods used to organise the 2020 general elections in Poland and the Czech Republic, which were held in the state of the SARS-19 virus pandemic. This paper analyses the voting methods introduced in connection with sanitary regulations in both countries and the scale of votes cast in this way in relation to the total. It discusses and compares the requirements introduced that voters and electoral commission members had to meet on voting day to minimise the risk of infection with the virus. The text shows a number of similarities in both countries in terms of the measures applied to prevent the spread of the virus associated with a personal visit to a polling station. An additional aspect of the comparative analysis of the covid-voting methods in the two countries was a discussion of voting rules for those infected or in quarantine on voting day. Analysis of the data showed that in both countries the alternative voting method, was not very popular.
This article aims to analyze the approach of Polish parliamentary parties to the anti-abortion legislation in 1991-2019 on the level of their ideological programmes. Classification of political parties concerning their ideological families has been proposed. Next, the article presents a typology based on the party's attitude to the discussed problem, distinguishing the following categories of parties: the proponents of apportioning, the opponents of abortion, heterogeneous parties, and parties that do not express an opinion on this issue.
Analyzing Poland's current activity regarding the influx of refugees and the formulated attitude towards action in the field of restriction and control of the influx undertaken by European and international institutions, one should notice increasing reluctance to accept immigrants. What is more, there is a growing trend in the public debate in Poland to identify (to correlate) the influx of refugees with the problem of security. Although Poland is neither located on the main transit routes nor a destination for immigrants (including refugees), there is a process of systematically including this issue in the public discourse and analyzing the consequences of the potential increase in the influx of immigrants in the context of state security. Relationships that arise at the interface between migration and security point to the process of securitization of immigration, which involves integrating migration issues into a catalogue of state security threats and considering them through the lens of possible threats to the receiving societies.
In spite of defining the role of various measures of security policy implementation the weight of one has been quite unequivocally assessed for the current policy. The main position for contemporary Poland is to be taken by the armed forces. Under these conditions, the Polish Army has become a basic element of the defense system of Poland not only in terms of image. It is not surprising then that currently the armed forces have received a wide range of tasks regarding security – both internal and external. President Duda and the government of Law and Justice proudly show the 2 percent of GDP spent on defense and an even higher target, at the latest in 2030. However, this does not create a perspective that would allow "hurray" optimism. The key to describing the Armed Forces of the Republic of Poland seems to be their ability to respond to the revolution in the field of military and the ability to modernize. Despite the plans of the Ministry of National Defense and declarations given in media, this process faces a number of difficulties. Not only do we create "abstract" visions of needs for the current policy, but we also offend our partners and those that are still our allies. The arms policy, so important from the point of view of this "self-sufficiency", was brought to the accusations of lobbying, corruption, and fraud; not only do we not pay attention to our own needs, but we also create innovative concepts for the current policy that cause us to wander in dilettantism. It seems that the shape of the implementation of the modernization of the Armed Forces is affected not only by the current policy. To a large extent, the condition of the Polish arms industry is also a decisive factor in the absorption of modernization.
Nowadays, the common denominator of involvement of the EastCentral Europe in the international arena, and above all, the premise determining community of interest expressed in the European Union is the migration crisis. Despite the different circumstances of activity in the context of the migration crisis, states in the region express similar opinions on the consequences of immigration for security in the region. Above all, they emphasise the implications of immigration for the internal security of states. Given the complex nature of migration, this article focuses on the phenomenon of immigration in the EU, determining the causes of the escalation of the influx of immigrants and, above all, identifying the consequences for the security of states of East-Central Europe.
Privatisation of security did not appear in the process of revolution. Under conditions of deepening international relations, as well as integration and globalisation processes, security of the state, as well as other entities, is subject to a number of dependencies. The article casts some doubt on how much states are prepared to take such actions, while not losing the attribute of monopoly on violence. Moreover, the article presents doubts about the ranks of modern armed forces. Private Military Firms (PMFs) are new actors the actions of which affect the security. The contemporary image of the PMF functioning is a phenomenon on a global scale. In the twenty-first century, small businesses can have a huge impact on the reality and international affairs. Leaving military firms without state control proves that they do not understand the dynamics, range, risks and challenges posed by cooperation with entities that are allowed to use force. Furthermore, despite devastating consequences that occurred during the state stabilisation operations, these firms continued to outsource services to contractors, while not creating any legal control over them.
Book Review: Stanisław Sulowski (ed.), Tożsamość nauk o bezpieczeństwie. Toruń: Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek 2015 (pp. 217). ISBN 978–83–8019–120–4. Price: PLN 33.81.
The article describes and explains the phenomenon of the political myth of Margaret Thatcher – her anti–Scottish attitude and policies and its impact on the process of decomposition of the United Kingdom. The author indicates that the view of Margaret Thatcher's dominance in Scotland is simplified, stripped of complexity, ignoring significant information conflicting with the thesis, but that also plays an important role in current politics, legitimizing secessionist demands and strengthening the identity of the Scottish community. In the contemporary Scottish debate with its unequivocal defence policy of Thatcher is outside of the discourse, proving its sanctity status. Thatcher could see this special Scottish dimension within the United Kingdom, but treated it rather as a delay in the reforms needed in the country. There are many counterarguments to the validity of the Thatcher myth. Firstly, many negative processes that took place in the 80s were not initiated by Thatcher, only accelerated. Secondly, the Tory decline in popularity in the north began before the leadership of Thatcher and has lasted long after her dismissal. The Conservative Party was permanently seen in Scotland as openly English. Thirdly, there is a lot of accuracy in the opinion that the real division is not between Scotland and England, only between southern England and the rest of the country. Widespread opinion that Thatcher was hostile to Scotland is to a large extent untruthful. She has never retreated radically from any of the Scottish privileges, such as the Barnett formula or the Scottish Development Agency.
The Scientific Conference under the name "Świnoujście LNG Terminal and the energy security of the region and Poland" was held at the Institute of Political and European Studies in Szczecin on 13th-14th November 2013. The Conference was attended by many eminent scientists and practitioners from all over Poland. Employees of inter alia AGH University of Science and Technology, Warsaw University, Jagiellonian University, Graduate School of Humanities and Journalism, Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznan, Western Institute and University of Wroclaw were present. Lack of experience in the execution of such investments in Poland and lack of national legislation adapted to the task required preparation and introduction of new laws and organizational solutions. Adopting the relevant legislation was treated as a priority by the Polish government and it helped to improve energy security and intensify the development of the Polish gas market. The location of the Świnoujście Terminal LNG in the Baltic Sea will provide the possibility of importing LNG from anywhere in the world and the distribution to operators in the country. The adoption of such solutions will be a viable diversifi cation of gas resources. This is important from the point of view of strategic Polish interests.
The basic function of agricultural areas is, according to the European Charter for Rural Areas, agriculture and preservation of the natural environment based on a well-functioning agricultural sector that operates in harmony with nature. The Council Regulation (EC) 1257/1999 on support for rural development from the European Agricultural Guidance and Guarantee was adopted in 1999. The programmes that are currently binding in the territory of Poland were developed in accordance with the EU policy expressed in the abovementioned acts and other documents concerning development of rural areas. These included: the Rural Development Programme that focused on social and environmental aspects, as well as a part of the Sectoral Operational Programme devoted to the development of rural areas, as well as restructuring and modernisation of the food sector. Based on the priorities of the Council regulation, two strategic objectives have been set: 1) Improvement of competitiveness of the agriculture and food economy, 2) Sustainable development of rural areas. Implementation of these objectives requires the support of the Common Agricultural Policy. Polish European Union membership contributed to setting its objectives and increasing the ability to subsidise economic entities, as well as develop both the food and rural areas economy.
Various aspects of the term Catholic Church can be considered: theological, sociological, legal or politological. For the purpose of this article the defi nition of the Church as formulated by political science will be essential, although in this discipline various connotations exist. The Church is referred to as a denomination, religious community, an interest group or a political entity. Among authors writing about the Church as a denomination are Wolfgang Ernst Böckenförde and Heindrun Abromeit. Both of them focus on the spiritual-religious aspect of Church activities, at the same time emphasizing that political activity is not the principal aim of the Church. Broader theories of Church activities as an interest group are presented by Carolyn M. Warner and Dietrich Hierlemann. Classifying the Catholic Church as an interest group C.M. Warner claims that this institution makes eff orts to get preferential treatment by political authorities, and its goal is to gain certain resources from the economic and political systems. The Church attempts to lobby democratic governments through political parties and other means, as it intends to have an infl uence on the educational system, impose its moral values on society through legislation, or retain certain tax reliefs. The Church tries to provide its members with certain collective goods (such as answers to moral and philosophical dilemmas), affiliation-based (e.g. cult site), or individual incentives (e.g. sacraments). The Catholic Church, therefore, in addition to an organized religion, can be referred to as an untypical interest group D. Hierlemann similarly states that the Church acts as a representative of interests and a lobbyist that attempts to make infl uential contacts, establish good relations with decision makers and play for resources. The Church acting in the secular sphere is subject to the same priciples as other associations (Verbände). This entity tries to promote its interests in the political process. In reference to theories describing the functioning of associations in the lay-political area we can examine the activities of the Church within the political system. From this perspective D. Hierlemann analyzes various forms of lobbying done by the Catholic Church in Poland.
The proclamation of independence of Kosovo, although expected, had a destabilizing impact on the international situation. International community had various opinions on the decision of Kosovo authorities. Numerous conditions in "uenced the positions of individual countries. Countries acknowledging independence of Kosovo, that is some EU countries and the United States, recognized the proclamation of independence of Kosovo as a final stage of the Yugoslavia's break-up with the basis for peaceful cooperation on the Balkans. Whereas, countries opposing the secession of Kosovo found it against the international law. They perceived this act as an example of western countries' dominance and feared that it would form a dangerous precedent threatening international stability and security.
The world unrivaled position of the United States, a country which determines many aspects of global policy, attracts a lot of interest as regards underlying objectives for US decisions in the field of external relations. The consequence with which the US acts on the international arena raises questions concerning objectives of the US activity and goals they would like to achieve. e American foreign policy provides basis for establishing national foreign policies for several countries, including Poland. us, interest is growing concerning the policy, as well as its nature, directions and priorities.
The Baltic Sea Region was the first multi-country region in the world to adopt common goals and actions for sustainable development. The instrument for that cooperation is Baltic 21 (formally "An Agenda 21 for the Baltic Sea Region"). There are two de"nitions of sustainable development (SD): technical and nontechnical. Technical definition: "a sound balance among the interactions of the impacts (positive and/or negative), or stresses, on the four major quality systems: People, Economic Development, Environment and Availability of Resources". The non-technical definition was given as being: "a sound balance among the interactions designed to create a healthy economic growth, preserve environmental quality, make wise use of our resources, and enhance social benefits" [Global Community Assessment Centre].
