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Cette étude porte sur les perceptions locales d'une intervention régionale africaine – à savoir de l'Union Africaine et de la CEDEAO au Burkina Faso en 2014/15 – ainsi que sur les connaissances sur ces organisations détenues par différents acteurs locaux de diverses couches sociales. L'étude est le résultat d'une recherche collaborative et empiriquement rigoureuse effectuée dans la capitale et plusieurs localités du pays. Nous démontrons que les deux organisations régionales africaines sont plus contestées localement que ce qui apparaît dans la littérature académique, et sont à la fois perçues plus positivement que suggéré par l'imaginaire social dominant relatif à ces organisations comme « syndicats des chefs d'État ».

Cette étude porte sur les perceptions locales d'une intervention régionale africaine - à savoir de l'Union Africaine et de la CEDEAO au Burkina Faso en 2014/15 - ainsi que sur les connaissances sur ces organisations détenues par différents acteurs locaux de diverses couches sociales. L'étude est le résultat d'une recherche collaborative et empiriquement rigoureuse effectuée dans la capitale et plusieurs localités du pays. Nous démontrons que les deux organisations régionales fricaines sont plus contestées localement que ce qui apparaît dans la littérature académique, et sont à la fois perçues plus positivement que suggéré par l'imaginaire social dominant relatif à ces organisations comme "syndicats des chefs d'État".

La reprise au sortir de la Grande Récession a été semée d'embûches. Cette reprise économique diffère des reprises cycliques précédentes. La raison en est simple : nous sommes en pleine crise de la dette. Ces crises présentent des particularités économiques et politiques. Sur le plan politique, elles entraînent des conflits sur la répartition du fardeau de l'ajustement, qui peuvent retarder sensiblement l'adoption des mesures nécessaires pour atténuer leurs effets – ce qui aggrave les problèmes de tout le monde. La théorie et l'histoire mettent en évidence divers facteurs qui favorisent ce type de conflit contre-productif et ces retards ; elles proposent également des moyens pour limiter ces conflits et leurs coûts sociaux.

This book is the outcome of a major conference held by 'Omnes Gentes' on the thematic religion, violence, and peacebuilding, celebrating the 100 years of the publication of 'Quod Iam Diu', the Encyclical of Pope Benedict XV 'On the Future Peace Conference' issued on 1st December, 1918. Authors from all continents have provided articles from their field of research and their context to illustrate the importance of religious insights and actions to promote peace in difficult times. Academics, ecclesiastical leaders, pastoral workers, and researchers from around the world, who are involved directly in the work of peacebuilding, shed light on specific contexts, historical perspective and actions, as well as inspiring prospects for the future. 'Omnes Gentes' is a collaboration of the Faculties of Theology of KU Leuven and UCLouvain, 'Lumen Vitae', and Missio-Belgium

L'ouvrage propose une analyse des politiques de réconciliation mises en œuvre durant le conflit nord-irlandais entre 1969 et 1998. Tout en donnant des exemples très précis, il décrit la complexité de cette mise en pratique et s'interroge sur les enjeux liés à la contribution de la société civile. L'auteure met en lumière la richesse des premières politiques dites de community relations. Leur pluralité est révélée grâce à l'étude d'archives parfois inédites et à la rencontre avec des acteurs clés, dont certains étaient sollicités pour la première fois depuis les années 1970. L'ouvrage porte un intérêt particulier aux pensées et actions de ceux qui travaillent dans les milieux associatifs et non politiques. Il met en exergue les décisions prises dans un contexte de tensions accrues en 1971 et 1972 qui, malgré leur caractère décousu, sont structurantes pour les programmes développés dans les décennies suivantes. Les politiques de réconciliation subissent alors ce que les chercheurs en sciences politiques nomment la dépendance au sentier, ou path dependency, et l'approche audacieuse et plurielle devient peu à peu marginalisée. Ceci constitue le soubassement des programmes plus consensuels développés dans les années 1980 et 1990

Economic integration among West African member states was the original mandate of ECOWAS. Threats to development, peace and security led the community to expand its mandate to include conflict management. ECOWAS has established a commendable record in peacekeeping. Its intervention in Liberia ended the conflict. In Sierra Leone, it provided the necessary support to the legitimate government, but in Guinea Bissau, it failed to stop the violence. In 2004, ECOMOG was replaced by the ECOWAS Standby Force (ESF), made up of military, police and civilian personnel. As part of its missions, ECOWAS has implemented conflict prevention and resolution mechanisms outlined in its Conflict Prevention Framework (ECPF). However, the organisation relies on its member states to achieve its objectives. Unfortunately, the latter is mostly characterised by a lack of political and financial commitment. In recent years, ECOWAS has focused on counter-terrorism strategies. However, these too have been hampered by capacity constraints, the persistence of a socioeconomic environment increasingly conducive to religious fundamentalism and extremism, and varying levels of political will and commitment. The ECOWAS institution's conflict prevention tools are currently stronger than its conflict management tools. At present, the ESF lacks the logistical and financial capacity for military deployment. Nigeria, the main troop and financial contributor, was supposed to provide more than half of the pledged ESF troops. But it has internal security challenges of its own. It is therefore doubtful that it could spare its pledged troops for an ESF mission. All this suggests that ECOWAS, once a force to be reckoned with in West Africa, has been reduced to a paper tiger. It's warning to intervene, by military force if necessary, in the current conflict in Niger, where a coup has overthrown the legitimate government, was reckoned as an empty threat. Especially since the coup leaders in Mali, Niger and Guinea have been backed by Russia.

Статья состоит из четырех частей. В первой части анализируется мандат СММ и его ограничения, а также некоторые дебаты о возможных расширениях или альтернативах Миссии. Во второй части освещаются специфический характер и последующие вызовы СММ по сравнению с другими миссиями ОБСЕ. В третьей части обсуждается вопрос об эффективности деятельности Миссии с разграничением позитивных и критических оценок наблюдателей с течением времени. В четвертой и последней части приводится краткий анализ влияниятрех основных участников конфликта - Российской Федерации, Украины и представителей двух донбасских де-факто образований (т. н. "ДНР" и "ЛНР") - на деятельность СММ. В заключении мы извлекаем некоторые предварительные уроки для будущего подобного рода миссий

The article studies the influence of Russia and Turkey on the political development of the South Caucasus in 1918. The choice of 1918 year is conditioned by its transitivity in the relations of two countries with regard to the Caucasus region: peace treaty was concluded, but cooperation was not achieved yet. After the fall of the monarchy Russia entered the stage of reconstruction, while Turkey was on the verge of the final fall of the Young Turks. For both countries the territory of the South Caucasus became the stage of political struggle for realizing imperial ambitions and an attempt to prevent the final territorial disintegration of states. The author shows a difference between Russian and Turkish political approaches. Turkey acted directly, holding negotiations and introducing troops, while Russia had no contacts with Caucasus officials and tried to weaken the Turkish activity in the region through Germany. The conflict nature of the region, which had earlier been suppressed by the power of Russian monarchy, was revealed now. The author presents the political development of the South Caucasus in the form of evolution from the idea of autonomy within the Russian statehood to the proclamation of independence of Georgia, Azerbaijan and Armenia. Considering the South Caucasus political development in the international context is conditioned by dependence on external challenges, which determined the decisions and actions of Caucasian political elites. On the one hand, the newly formed Caucasian governments declared their independence at the international level. On the other hand, these governments were dependent on the leaders of world politics in achieving their goals. The participation of Russia and Turkey in the political processes in the South Caucasus was associated with the contradictory aims. Both parties didn't want to be eliminated from the Caucasian region. At the same time, they tried to avoid military conflict. The Turkish government's motivation to use the military power consisted in the need to protect the Muslim population, but not in opposition to Russia. In general, year 1918 marked two opposite perspectives for both countries: for Russia - the loss of the Caucasus as a territory and a sphere of influence; for Turkey - strengthening positions through the local Muslim population.

Since 1990s, the number of states conflicts decreased and they started saying that the classical wars disappeared but at the same time, the number of internal conflicts increased dramatically. The end of colonial regime in Africa didn't bring peace to the region - the new wave of internal conflicts and civil wars overwhelmed the region. In the given article the authors analyze political and complicated socio-economic situation in the Tropical Africa, describe the conflicts in this zone, their typology, results and factors. The authors attempt to analyze internal and external causes of conflicts in the studied region, taking into account all elements of each conflict and their interdependence. The subject of the article is the conflict as the social element presenting the important part of international reality. It is noted that the crisis in the region influences every part of economic, social, and political spheres, so the solution is not possible without structural changes. In this connection, conflicts are the logical results of regional crisis as well as uncertain activity of international society. This situation provokes the large wave of migrants from the region and inside it. The countries the Tropical Africa can't guarantee any suitable level of life for the citizens, and the situation can't be resolved without active role of international community.

The Nordic Region offers innovative interpretative approaches and models to overcome the "dilemma between security and prosperity". In this region, integration and fragmentation have been well-balanced and grounded on diversity. The first aim of this article is to explain the reasons for peace in Nordic Europe, a task sometimes more difficult than explaining wars. Historical cases of pacific resolution of disputes and the possible reasons for those policies are considered. Finally, the theoretical foundations of these approaches and how they influenced the political institutions are also analyzed.